2013-05-19T19:49:24-04:00 Kathryn Cameron Porter http://www.huffingtonpost.com/author/index.php?author=kathryn-cameron-porter Copyright 2008, HuffingtonPost.com, Inc. HuffingtonPost Blogger Feed for Kathryn Cameron Porter Good old fashioned elbow grease. tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.2806514 2013-03-06T16:01:39-05:00 2013-05-06T05:12:01-04:00

Kathryn Cameron Porter http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kathryn-cameron-porter/
Syria is Bosnia on steroids and accompanied with the threat of chemical weapons but without the skilled diplomacy of a Richard Holbrooke. I worked in Brcko, unresolved under the Dayton Agreement, where the rape of bodies and minds was progressive and left no one untouched. Rape is now endemic for the women refugees from Syria. The refugee camps themselves have become places where women are forced to trade their bodies for scant food to feed their hungry children.

As we in the international community stand back and watch the situation devolve, we are reminded of Halabja, Rwanda, Srebrenica, Congo and so many other horrors that go on and on in humankind's recent history. Innocent blood flows, hands are wrung in frustration or indifference. The complexities hold us back and serve as a convenient excuse for inaction.

The United States and the international community had a clear chance about nine months ago to aid and arm the rebels but now we have lost any hope of supporting a clear choice. As John McCain pointed out more than seven months ago, we must give some basic support to the best of the rebels. But now the Islamists have taken over many of the rebel groups, this at Turkey's behest in order to temper the involvement of the Kurds. Former Assad Regime loyalists and perpetrators of this extreme abuse have changed sides and now speak of human rights violations.

Marcel Mauss, whose uncle Emile Durkheim gave us classification, wrote of the spiral of human consciousness and the impact of individual and collective human actions to move us upward or downward on that spiral. This view has long made sense to me.

Recently, I thought of that spiral when I was in the U.S. Capitol looking at the statue of Rosa Parks soon to be dedicated. As I pondered her noble life and how she has moved humankind upward on that spiral of human consciousness, I know she would not sit back and wring her hands; she would act and lead us by example.

As Congressman John Lewis said of her, "She gave us a way out." Let's put our collective feet down and demand aid for the suffering Syrian children.]]> tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2011:/theblog//3.835354 2011-03-15T12:38:51-04:00 2011-05-25T18:40:24-04:00

Kathryn Cameron Porter http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kathryn-cameron-porter/ The King's Speech, the movie, moved me on many levels. It brought to reality the humanity of a distant figure, a man's simple struggle to rise to the occasion, to stretch himself for his people. To do the right thing. Earlier this week, like so many others, I continued my search on Facebook and Twitter to stay abreast of all the momentous change raging across the Arab world, I stumbled across another King's Speech that also moved me to tears.

Throughout North Africa and the Middle East, many people are rightfully demanding greater political freedom, economic opportunity, the rule of law, transparent government and reform in a rush to greater quality of life in a modern world. Many women are finally making their voices heard in the tumult of this new history and another King is listening to them. King Mohammed VI of Morocco began the challenge of moving his people and country forward since assuming the throne as a young man more than ten years ago. The changes announced by His Majesty this week are a further step in the right direction toward democracy and a better life for all Moroccans.

There is a balance to tradition and modernity than can be mirrored in tolerance and compassion. As we watch the region roil, we wonder why the 'Mubaraks' are blind to the needs of their people, how the 'Ghadaffis' can be so cruel. The speech of this King, who has already brought about positive change, including a new Family Law that protects women and children along with other reforms that put his people first. His speech outlined his pledge for ongoing democratic development through constitutional, judicial and political reforms. This is a moment of profound change in the region. His contrast to the other so-called leaders is breath-taking and provides a model for the world.

The King's response to demonstrations was to set up a new body to defend human rights in a more direct and meaningful way. The new National Human Rights Council replaces an existing organization which had a more consultative role. The new Council will be made up of representatives of public authorities, non-government organizations, political parties and independents. The contrast to the on-going tragedy in Libya is more than significant. It is worthy of a Nobel Prize. We should be helpful in our support for this government and the people of Morocco. Here is a man and a government that is capable of both human rights and responsibilities.

As we consider the will of a young King to move forward the reforms he started ten years ago, his actions show his commitment to a continuation of reform in Morocco. As blood flows in the region because of intransigence and greed, a man who stretches a little taller to help his people, both male and female, move into the modern world deserves our thanks and respect. While Colin Firth's King's Speech won an Oscar and our hearts, this King's speech shows us how a better world can really be -- and we haven't found an award for that yet.

]]> tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2011:/theblog//3.829560 2011-03-01T17:56:56-05:00 2011-05-25T18:35:25-04:00

Kathryn Cameron Porter http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kathryn-cameron-porter/
Following a border-war flare-up with Ethiopia in 1998 that lasted two years, President Isaya Afewerki abruptly initiated swift and immediate actions to consolidate his power and eliminate any independent civil society and rule of law. Top government officials were immediately thrown in jail -- where they remain today, if any are still alive. All independent media organizations were shut down with the immediate arrests of all journalists and media members. This policy continues today, effectively eliminating all freedom of speech.

The soldiers who fought long and hard for most of their lives under President Afewerki have all been compensated with indefinite national service until the age of 55. Secondary-level students spend the last year of school in war camps preparing for a lifetime of military conscription and government-assigned labor. Paid meager salaries that do not provide for basic necessities, desertion is common despite that fact that it is punishable by death and imprisonment. The families of deserters suffer as they lose their land to the government and face heavy fines and imprisonment.

There are no elected officials or semblance of political representation of any kind. Anyone suspected of dissent or any form of government opposition is promptly arrested. This results in an atmosphere of paranoia in which no citizen is safe from random arrests at any point in time. If caught without proper papers from the government approving of their location and actions, all citizens are subject to arrest. Freedom of movement is prohibited within Eritrea.

Religious freedom in Eritrea is also almost non-existent, with the government approving only four religions and their practices: the Eritrean Orthodox Church, the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Eritrea, the Roman Catholic Church and Islam. When President Afewerki outlawed all but these four religions, any and all property of suspected members of non-approved religions became in immediate danger of government seizure. Bible burnings and house raids in the middle of the night, in which suspected worshipers are arrested, are now commonplace. Even the approved religions must get permission from the government to distribute material while the government manages all of their financial assets.

Furthering the despondency in Eritrea is also the reality that once arrested, sentences are arbitrary to the actual crime, and prisoners are often held indefinitely without trial, representation, or court. The fate of those arrested and their prison sentence is completely subjective, as it is most often determined by the commanding officer of the particular jail, a practice lacking any prospect for justice. The charges range from anything that the government believes to be a threat to national security to the previous mentioned "crimes."

Most of the firsthand accounts from refugees point to random arrests and time served in jail. Political prisoners, military deserters, and anyone suspected of practicing outside of the four registered religions seem to be the most common "criminals," although it is difficult to gauge. Any act interpreted as seditious or upholding dissent can result in years of imprisonment or execution.

The jails, as you would expect, are notoriously inhumane, if one can even find them. There is no way to tell the exact number of jails in Eritrea, as many of them consist of underground pits and caves in which prisoners rarely see the light of day for months at a time.

Extreme temperatures and overcrowding within jails cause disease to be rampant among the prisoners with no medical aid. While serving time in an Eritrean jail one can expect to be beaten, tortured, tied up, and forced to work without adequate food and water. Reportedly, every method of physical and psychological torture has been inflicted. Further, in order to hold the increasing amount of prisoners, Eritrea has become infamous for their brutal methods of holding prisoners. Metal shipping containers with no air circulation or windows have become the most common method of holding the prisoner overflow. Left out in the oppressive East African temperatures day and night, prisoners are locked inside these metal boxes for almost 24 hours a day in overcrowded and cramped conditions.

It comes as no surprise that the dire conditions in Eritrea have produced some of the highest refugee numbers in the world. However, exiting Eritrea can be difficult and dangerous. Exit visas are only granted to older citizens who are no longer of age for military conscription. At the border of Eritrea there is an official "shoot-to-kill" policy against anyone attempting to flee the country.

Along with much of Africa, Eritrea faces challenges of severe hunger, drought, and economic difficulties. The government of Eritrea compounds these challenges by rejecting much-needed international humanitarian aid. The government suspended the World Food Program and placed restrictions and taxes on all non-government aid organizations, effectively eliminating their presence within the country. In 2008, the European Commission on Humanitarian Aid deemed a Global Acute Malnutrition rating of over 15% in parts of Eritrea, far above an emergency level. For the citizens of Eritrea, the lack of food is a daily reminder of the self-inflicted pain the government is imposing on its people.

The situation in Eritrea wasn't always this dire, but the future doesn't look bright. Immediately after the 1993 independence, there appeared to be hope as a glimmer of representative government and basic freedoms were present. However, after the two-year war with Ethiopia ended in 2000, paranoia overcame President Afewerki and his government. This paranoia has led to a government committed to maintaining an entire population mobilized for war and a president whose policies are rooted in heavy-handed dogma's used to control all aspects of life with force, violence, and fear.

Considering the strife and unrest arising in fellow African countries -- Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Algeria, and Yemen -- it is only natural to question Eritrea's future. The youth-heavy population is unhappy with its leaders and the absence of freedoms is equally as prominent. A key factor in the stability of Eritrea is the future of their relationship with Ethiopia, a relationship that is always contentious. The people of Eritrea have only known bloodshed and war with Ethiopia for the past 50 years, and exhaustion from constant war and violence consumes them. This said, it will be interesting to see if and when the mobilized citizens of Eritrea finally turn their aggrieved attention away from Ethiopia, and towards the more structural issues within their own government under the leadership of President Afewerki. ]]> tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2011:/theblog//3.826108 2011-02-21T16:31:23-05:00 2011-05-25T18:35:25-04:00

Kathryn Cameron Porter http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kathryn-cameron-porter/
The government of Algeria has, for many years now, demonstrated its lack of respect for internationally recognized human rights as well as for the international covenants and treaties to which it is party. Over the past 12 years, the Algerian state has systematically and knowingly violated the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), The 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, The Convention on the Rights of the Child, the OAU's (African Union) Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa, and the African Union's African (Banjul) Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights.

The international humanitarian community has also documented countless human rights abuses by the Algerian authorities. Among these ongoing violations has been the treatment of refugees from the Western Sahara residing in Algeria. Algeria is bound by multiple iterations of International Law to provide basic services for these refugees, including allowing a census, providing the refugees with travel documents, allowing them freedom of movement, freedom of association and the right to return home. However, the Algerian regime has instead denied these refugees their basic and legally guaranteed rights.

Furthermore, the increasingly desperate humanitarian situation in Tindouf, Algeria -- a direct result of the oppressive policies of the Algerian state -- has contributed to a recent expansion of international crime and transnational terrorism in the Maghreb. It has been widely reported that the denial of basic Human Rights to the refugees in Tindouf, as well as to the citizens of Algeria, has led many young men to join the ranks of regional drug runners and terrorist groups, prominently including Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AMQI).

The growing relationship between Algeria and Iran should also be of concern to the United States Government. On Tuesday, February 8th, the Algerian President, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, and Iranian Foreign Minister, Ali Akbar Salehi met to reaffirm their commitment to expanding bilateral relations and further bolster their nations' ties. Bouteflika emphasized that plans had been drawn up to expand relations and praised Iran's international and national policies. The Iranian foreign minister went as far as to state that Algeria's views on international and national issues were identical to those of Iran's. Currently, the US maintains heavy sanctions against Iran with specific regards to their nuclear program, and holds a strong stance in opposition to many of Tehran's policies. Thus, it seems inconceivable to provide support to one of Iran's closest allies, staunchest supporters, and a known public defender of their nuclear program.

The government in Algiers has also repeatedly denied its own citizens basic rights outlined not only under International Law, but within its own constitution. In May of last year, Human Rights Watch reiterated that Algeria denies the rights to freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, and freedom of association to all peoples within Algeria. This is a violation not only of Algeria's own constitution (Article 41), but also of Article 11 of the African (Banjul) Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, as well as the ICCPR's outlines on the restriction of the right to freedom of assembly.

The United States Department of State has also documented these abuses in Algeria. It acknowledges in its own report on "International Religious Freedom Report 2009 - Algeria" that Algerian authorities and legal statutes discriminate heavily against non-Muslims. These policies violate the religious freedoms of all Algerians and foreign visitors to Algeria, and should not be encouraged by the government of the United States.

The United States Department of State also declares that Algerian law restricts the rights of women. These discriminatory practices are clear violations of multiple articles of the African Union's Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, as well as the ICCPR and The Convention on the Rights of the Child -- all of which are legally binding institutions of international law. Further acknowledged by the US Department of State in the "2009 Human Rights Report: Algeria," is the Algerian regime's continuing history of official "disappearances," torture, arbitrary arrests, impunity of government officials, denial of fair trials and an impartial judiciary, violation of the right to privacy, a lack of a free press, non-criminalized spousal abuse and rape, human trafficking, and widespread corruption.

Today, the cries of Algerians for a free and democratic Algeria are being met with baton and shield as Algerian security forces obstruct protests criticizing government corruption, massive unemployment, housing issues and poverty. The Algerian security forces have confronted the assemblies with violent and repressive methods, which have fueled brutal confrontations and clashes between demonstrators and security forces in several areas of Algeria. As a result of the violent tactics, it was reported that five citizens were killed and at least 100 injured in the initial clashes. Further, the government has implemented a blanket ban on peaceful protest and triggered a further surge of disquiet amongst Algerian protestors. In an effort to stymie any defiance to this ban, the government has shut down social media websites, blocked Facebook pages, and altogether banned access to the Internet in many parts of the country. Despite these challenges, the opposition's plans for a mass peaceful protest came to fruition on February 12th when between two to three thousand protesters assembled in Algiers, and were met by a counter insurrection of 30,000 armed police officers. Reportedly, around 350 were arrested while hundreds were beaten when these peaceful protests were met with the impetuous violence of the security forces.

It is important to condemn the use of such violence against the Algerian citizens who have emerged to express their discontent with their current living conditions. Certainly the United States would wish to avoid furthering a relationship with a regime that condones such criminality and gruesome crimes against humanity. To support such a regime would greatly diminish the standing of the United States of America before the international community and before all nations that seek the betterment of the human condition.

The tyrannical regime of Algeria is one whose record has made it clear to analysts that Algiers is prepared to massacre thousands of its citizens for the plain purpose of making a statement. The fact is, Algeria's modern history is one filled with bloodshed, and given that at least 30,000 security forces were deployed to confront only two to three thousand civilian peaceful protesters in Algiers, its almost certain that this trend is not one of the past. Is the United States to do anything less than condemn the stronghold of the Algerian authority, they will be shamed by their blatant hypocrisy and endorsement of a tyrannical regime that is likely to go on to slaughter masses of innocent civilians in the interest of maintaining the status quo. Furthermore, the implicit consent to these ongoing abuses that would accompany the silence of the Obama administration on Algeria is irreconcilable with the aims and goals of those fighting for human rights in the Maghreb, and will directly work against the progress, which this community has made in the region over years of concerted efforts. Some experts even go as far to argue that the endorsement of the Algerian regime would be a decision that would prove worse than the Iraqi invasion for the international reputation of the United States.

Wisely, the statements released by the US thus far express solidarity with the Algerian citizens, declaring that the rights of the Algerian citizens "must be respected", and encourage restraint on the part of the Algerian security forces. One can only hope that they stand by these principles and do not waver in response to the allure of ongoing or improving deals with Algerian oil companies at the sacrifice of democratic ideals. The reality is, the Algerian people have promised to march every Saturday until democratic change is introduced; the question is, on which side of the line will the United States stand when the chaos is unleashed?
]]> tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2011:/theblog//3.811624 2011-01-20T12:22:30-05:00 2011-05-25T18:25:24-04:00

Kathryn Cameron Porter http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kathryn-cameron-porter/
Back in November, Al Qaeda in Iraq issued a statement threatening the Copts of Egypt after Al Qaeda's massacre of a central Baghdad church. In response, the Egyptian government renounced such threats and vowed to protect Copts from Al Qaeda. Apparently that vow did not protect the Copts from their own government, from their fellow Egyptians, or from any external threats.

Egyptian state security forces were quick to act against their own citizens when Coptic Christians in Giza, Cairo, attempted to finish the construction of a church on November 24, 2010. On that day, the Copts, defending themselves with bricks and stones, were met with tear gas, "rubber" bullets, and possibly live ammunition. Two Copts were killed, dozens were injured and at least 156 arrested at the hands of state "security" forces.

So where was Egyptian state security on New Year's Eve?

The Egyptian government has freely allowed country-wide protests over the last 4 months against the Copts, with protesters shouting false accusations and attacks against Pope Shenouda, the leader of the Coptic Orthodox Church. These protests involved rock throwing, barricading roads leading to churches, and unsubstantiated accusations that churches and monasteries were storing weapons and kidnapping Muslim women to force their conversion. There were little if any security forces or policemen at these events.

Attackers of Coptic Christians in Egypt attack them with impunity. The shooter of six Copts and one Muslim guard on January 7, 2010 following the Christmas service at a Coptic Orthodox Church in Naga Hammadi was sentenced yesterday after a yearlong delay of the trial. No one has been punished for the burning down of 20 Christian homes and shops in the Qena Province of Egypt by an angry Muslim mob this past November.

Copts in Egypt continuously face ongoing discrimination and outright persecution, either by the Egyptian government or through its tacit approval, as recognized by the recent United States Commission on International Religious Freedom reports and press releases.

Shows of support by some Egyptian Muslims to their fellow Christian citizens on January 7, 2011 by holding vigil in front of some churches during Christmas mass were greatly appreciated. However, this kind of support needs to spread way beyond a few affluent pockets of Egypt. Change must take place among the majority of Egyptians, who are struggling with unemployment, rising food prices, and low quality education, among other difficult challenges. Increased tolerance and understanding must occur between Muslims and Christians throughout Egypt. This will not happen unless Coptic Christians feel equal protection under the law.

Surface measures, such as forced "peace and reconciliation commissions" and the renaming of El-Kosheh to "Medinet el Salam" (the City of Peace), the site of sectarian violence that left 21 Coptic Christians dead in 2000, do not suffice.

Fundamental changes need to be made to the Egyptian government and within Egyptian society, and they need to be made now. Recent history in Rwanda and Yugoslavia has taught us that these kinds of social tensions can erupt into extensive violence very quickly. Let's not wait for this to happen in Egypt. The first step towards change for the Egyptian government is to bring to justice the perpetrators of violence against Coptic Christians - including the perpetrators in its own state security and police ranks.]]> tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2010:/theblog//3.794057 2010-12-08T16:38:21-05:00 2011-05-25T18:15:22-04:00

Kathryn Cameron Porter http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kathryn-cameron-porter/
As we mark Human Rights Day, much of the focus will be on those nations in Africa, Asian and the Middle East with the worst records on human rights. But it's important to note that human rights violations occur everywhere.

For more than 36 years, the human rights and fundamental freedoms of the people of Cyprus have been violated as a result of the Turkish invasion of 1974 and the continuous military occupation of more than one-third of the island. Prior to the invasion, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots had co-existed peacefully for centuries. However, with the 1974 invasion, which was in violation of all rules of international legality, including the United Nations (UN) Charter, Turkey proceeded to occupy the northern part of the island and expel nearly all Greek Cypriot inhabitants from that region.

Ankara continues to pursue a policy of moving Turkish settlers to the occupied area in an effort to change the demographic composition of the island. The transfer of people by an occupying power of its own population to the area it occupies is considered a grave breach of the Geneva Conventions. Illegal settlers now outnumber Turkish Cypriots by almost two to one.

The people of Cyprus are victims of human rights violations, a fact which has been affirmed by UN resolutions and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). In its judgment of the case Cyprus v. Turkey on May 10, 2001, the European Court of Human Rights found that there were massive and grave violations of 14 Articles of the European Convention on Human Rights concerning the missing persons and their relatives, the home and property rights of displaced persons and the living conditions of Greek Cypriots in the occupied northern part of Cyprus.

Currently, talks are underway between the President of Cyprus, Demetris Christofias, and the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community, Dervis Eroglu, to find a solution to the Cyprus Problem. The agreed framework for a solution is a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation, with a single sovereignty, single international personality and single citizenship and political equality as described in the relevant UN Security Council Resolutions and with its independence and territorial integrity safeguarded.

As we honor Human Rights Day, it is important to remember that the best solution for Cyprus is to restore and safeguard the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all Cypriots, including the right of return, the right to property for the refugees and the full and effective investigation of the fate of all missing persons. ]]>