Nadine Farag

Tahrir: A Square of Innovation

2011-08-12T07:23:26-04:00

It is mid-July and day 12 of renewed protests in Cairo. As we make our way to the epicenter of the sprawling mini-city that has become Tahrir, the collective feeling of anticipation is palpable. To find our friend Aly, we navigate past vendors of Revolution memorabilia and through clouds of smoke billowing up from barbequed corn in a square that has housed this popular sit-in for nearly two weeks. Through a corridor of colorful tents bearing signs calling for an end to military trials for civilians, then left past a makeshift barbershop offering the usual list of services, we eventually find our friend sitting on the ground with fellow activists discussing the news of the day. It's a long way from where we met just a few months back in Cambridge, MA, and we barely recognize him. Spending sleepless nights in a restless square apparently changes the look of a person.

We are introduced one-by-one to Aly's friends, of the famous Shabab Al-Thawra, or Youth of the Revolution, that have sustained an energetic resistance against Al-Nizam Al-Adeem, or Old Order, from the very first days of the January 25th Revolution in Egypt. We learn that the main concern of the Shabab this evening is on protecting the square from elements of the counter-revolution. There are rumblings that old tactics are being used to cause rifts between people, such as paying individuals paltry sums to spy on protestors. Beyond strategizing about how to keep security, the Shabab are working to unify a myriad of political messages to add pressure on the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, or SCAF.

As we look around, we notice how much Tahrir itself has changed over the past 10 days. The latest calls for a popular sit-in to protest lack of transparency and progress by the interim military government have led thousands back to the square. But this time, it feels a little more permanent. In just the past week, a cinema has sprung up with daily screenings at 10:30pm of films that highlight the values of the revolution. A library has been formed with donations made by local bookstores, and a small school has developed to teach the children who have temporarily made Tahrir their new home how to read and write. In the span of a few weeks, Tahrir had transcended its identity as an intersection for civil disobedience; it had become a sprawling cultural center in a New Egypt. Each night, it seems, Tahrir takes on an additional dimension, absorbing innovations to reflect the dynamism of Egyptians that have arrived here from near and far.

With late night in full swing, we decide to keep ourselves awake by circling the square, taking in the constant activity. "It's almost 3ayb, or a personal shame, to sleep in this country," we muse out loud, as we watch Egyptians of all ages buzz around as if it's midday rather than 3am, as if sleep is an optional undertaking for normal human functioning. We strike up conversations here and there and finally resettle with a group from Mounifiya, a governorate near Cairo in the Nile Delta. We want to learn more about why one of the women, Um Ali, has come here with her sister and their kids to sit in with the protesters.

Um Ali explains that she is a nurse living a simple life with her family -- never engaged in politics and never read the newspapers before January. But when the revolution started to take shape, she began listening to political debates and agreed with the youth in their calls for justice, equity and accountability from the corruption of the past regime. She has been bringing her children to the square regularly over the past months so they can experience this historic moment and be a part of the change. On this night, she is so taken by the atmosphere that she finds it hard to leave. She decides she will go straight from Tahrir to her work in the morning -- "We spent years sleeping," she profoundly declares, "It's time to wake up."

One of Um Ali's friends, a young man by the name of Alaa, tells us about a business he has recently started recycling plastics that are left as garbage in their neighborhood. "I started thinking, I want to do something that provides income for other people as well," he goes on, "So I began teaching others how to recycle too, and how to start their own businesses by turning these small things into profit. It's important that we uplift ourselves," Alaa tells us.

As the hours go by, our new circle of friends grows larger, and although the conversation veers back to politics, we continue to be captivated by the entrepreneurial spirit on full display in the square. While the media has focused largely on political unrest in the country, and a wariness about this revolutionary experiment has indeed grown deeper, it is also clear that a parallel story is unfolding -- a story of hopefulness, a story of greater civic engagement, a story of individuals who insist on building a stronger economy with their own ideas and efforts.

Over 7 months have passed since the January 25th Revolution began in Egypt, but Tahrir Square remains a leading indicator of change in the country. This pubic square has become more than a physical space for citizens to voice their concerns and demand their rights. It has become a center for creativity and innovation that will serve as a strong foundation for a thriving New Egypt.

Mona Mowafi and Nadine Farag are Egyptian-Americans currently working on a new project to promote social entrepreneurship in Egypt. They recently returned from a one-month trip to Cairo.

Mona can be reached at mmowafi@post.harvard.edu. Nadine can be reached at nadine.farag@post.harvard.edu.

'Our Egypt' for a New Era

2011-08-11T11:29:46-04:00

Last week, ahead of the trial against former President Hosni Mubarak and members of his regime, the Egyptian military gave orders to clear lingering protesters out of Tahrir Square. A diversity of Egypt's emerging political groups had initially planned to maintain a sit-in that began on July 8th through Ramadan, intent on keeping the pressure for transparency and reform on the military. Yet as Ramadan approached, approximately 25 political groups agreed to leave Tahrir, both anticipating the difficulty of keeping demonstrators in the Square under Cairo's hot summer sun while fasting, and facing overt coercion by the military to leave.

Dozens of protesters, however, refused to leave. Many of them were family of the Revolutionary martyrs, insistent on their right to peacefully commemorate their relatives' sacrifices by pushing for transparent trials of former regime members, including Mubarak himself, accused of ordering the killing of their loved ones. One week earlier, in a bold political statement, Islamists went to Tahrir to demand their voices be heard in debates surrounding constitutional reforms and the religious nature of a future Egyptian state. Today, protesters have reneged on their suspension of the sit-in, and 57 groups are calling for a renewed presence in Tahrir next Friday, August 12th, marked "Friday for the Love of Egypt," to protest the military's continued brutality against civilians accused of nothing other than demonstrating their basic rights to free speech and public assembly. Egyptians from a range of political and social stripes are expected to attend.

With the many competing messages that have emerged in post-Mubarak Egypt, the media has struggled to keep up with the rapidly shifting political topography and has largely focused on the various demands of the myriad groups (will the leftists or the Islamists prevail?). But beyond the political scorecard, a rich parallel story is unfolding. On a recent trip to Egypt, what we were struck by most was the transformed understanding about the role of citizenship in this post-revolutionary era. This transformation has been epitomized by the on-going presence in Tahrir Square, and has redefined the role and meaning of the Square in the public imagination in the process. Not only has Tahrir become a place of choice for Egyptians to go voice their discontent; it has also become a physical space where citizens go to incubate, and demonstrate, a renewed sense of ownership in their country.

This shift is a clear departure from the tired collective psychology that had permeated public discourse for decades. Since the socialist days of Abdel-Nasser and through the Mubarak era of crony capitalism, Egyptians steadily lost a sense of ownership and pride in their country. Public property was often treated as "theirs," referring to the government, while only personal property was cared for with the pride of what is "ours." In the process, the country's physical infrastructure deteriorated severely, along with the people's morale. Egyptians, known for their sense of humor and ebullient approach to life, had gradually developed a helpless and static outlook about their role in society. What we have witnessed, though, is a shift in popular psyche towards a more hopeful and dynamic view about what is possible moving forward. This sense of possibility is redefining what it means to be Egyptian.

The emerging psychology of 'Our Egypt' is transcending the political sphere and is prompting innovation in economic and social development as well. One sign of progress is a growing willingness to invest in sustainable development rather than relying on pure charity. Marwa El-Daly, an emerging leader in social enterprise and development in Egypt, conducted a comprehensive study of Egyptian philanthropy in 2005 and found that $1 billion was given annually by Egyptians to Egyptians, but 90% of this money was given as direct charity rather than on projects that focus on permanently uplifting people out of poverty. This, she notes, was partly a consequence of rampant corruption and lack of confidence in institutions. Egyptians came to understand that if they did not oversee giving with their own eyes -- providing money, food or clothing to a poor person they knew personally, for example -- then the likelihood of their money being stolen or misdirected by corrupt practices was almost guaranteed.

But the changing narrative about what it means to be Egyptian is producing greater opportunities for investment in a New Egypt. We met dozens of Egyptians passionately pursuing creative solutions to challenging problems with an optimistic belief that they can retake their country. We visited social entrepreneurs working to alleviate poverty, improve health and education, promote the arts, and get Egyptians involved in improving the sanitation and aesthetics of their neighborhoods. We listened to imaginative and committed individuals tell us about their work on community empowerment -- teaching about what it means to be a good citizen, and promoting participatory approaches to development in order to foster a sense of ownership in a New Egypt. What we witnessed was a belief that it is now "our turn" to build 'Our Egypt,' and that no Egyptian can afford to stand idly by and let this chance be stolen from them once more.

Mona Mowafi and Nadine Farag are Egyptian-Americans currently working on a new project to promote social entrepreneurship in Egypt. They recently returned from a one-month trip to Cairo.

Mona can be reached at mmowafi@post.harvard.edu. Nadine can be reached at nadine.farag@post.harvard.edu.

Desperate Times, Deplorable Tactics: Why Mubarak Must Go Now

2011-02-03T12:57:15-05:00

Since the momentous uprising that began on January 25th, the world has watched with intrigue and speculation as Egyptians revolt against their repressive and autocratic regime. Throughout, the protesters have maintained a singular focus on their top goal: the ouster of Hosni Mubarak. Still, many questions have encircled this Revolution in the West, including whether Egyptians are prepared for what could come next in the post-Mubarak era and what kind of role religious parties might play in building a new government. Much of this speculation has been infused with anxiety that the uncertain future of an Egypt without Mubarak could be worse than the certainty of his rule.

After the violent events that unfolded yesterday in Cairo's Tahrir Square, Egyptians no longer have to explain to the world why they so desperately want a new government. Indeed, yesterday they received a bolster to their cause from the most unlikely source: Mubarak himself. Widespread reports that Mubarak deployed police officers in plainclothes and bribed the economically vulnerable with as little as L.E.50 ($10) to descend on anti-government protestors with metal rods, knives, and Molotov cocktails are deplorable. With multiple deaths and many hundreds injured, a peaceful protest escalated into a horrific battle for the future of Egypt. In utilizing these brutal tactics, Mubarak further discredited himself from overseeing the type of peaceful transition to democracy he claims to be capable of. Instead, he highlighted the very traits that render him unfit to govern the Egyptian people for another day, let alone for the next eight months.

We are at a crucial point in this Revolution. If Mubarak stays in power, we can almost certainly guarantee that the advances made since January 25th will dissipate, and end up constituting but a mere verse in the volumes of Egypt's long history. This outcome would not befit the courageous protests of ordinary Egyptians over the past nine days, nor the sacrifice of the hundreds who have given their lives in recent years to struggle for democracy. Mostly, we are concerned about the lengths that Mubarak has demonstrated he is willing to go to in his quest to suppress the opposition. We fear if Mubarak is allowed to continue his rule for the coming months, he will retaliate against the organizers and supporters of this uprising with intimidation and violence. With the whole world watching, Mubarak did not hesitate to unleash gangs of armed thugs on Tahrir's peaceful protestors. What, then, will he do when the world's eyes are no longer on Egypt?

For thirty years, Mubarak has legitimated his rule by arguing that there are only two possible political realities for Egypt: iron-fisted autocratic rule, or Islamist chaos. In the final stages of denial, Mubarak is said to be planning to bring in supporters during Friday's massive "Day of Departure" protest to chant pro-Islamic slogans and call for jihad, propagating the idea that the second he looses grip of Egypt, Islamists will take over. We caution against this limited view. Indeed, the events of the past nine days demonstrate that Egyptians also reject this false choice. They are not nervous for their future, but rather fighting to realize it. Mubarak, of course, is holding on to the past, employing the same tactics he has used over his thirty-year rule to reign in his opposition.

This time, however, he will not succeed. The Egyptian people have changed -- they have discovered their voice and refuse to return back to the days when they were not able to use it. We agree with President Obama's sentiments that, "The passion and the dignity that has been demonstrated by the people of Egypt has been an inspiration to people around the world, including here in the United States, and to all those who believe in the inevitability of human freedom." It's time the international community support the democratic aspirations of the Egyptian people by unequivocally calling for Hosni Mubarak to step down. In so doing, we will be supporting Egyptians in heralding in a new day that we firmly believe will be bright.

Nadine Farag has a Masters degree from the Harvard School of Public Health. Mona Mowafi is a Research Fellow at the Harvard School of Public Health. Both authors have lived, worked, and conducted research related to health and development in Egypt.

Let's Stand on the Side of Freedom in Egypt

2011-02-01T12:49:16-05:00

Denial is not just a river in Egypt. It is also a president whose time has come to step down. After decades of discontent, thousands of Egyptians have taken to the streets to protest the rule of President Hosni Mubarak. Largely organized by secular youth on Facebook and inspired by Tunisia, protesters are calling for no less than an end to the regime. Such popular resistance is unprecedented in Egyptian history. What we are witnessing today is an Egyptian democratic revolution led by, and for, the people.

As Egyptian-Americans, we have watched these events unfold with tremendous pride and excitement. Our joy, however, has been dampened by Mubarak's latest actions. Reports depict a government employing its resources to scare the public from demanding change. We are particularly concerned about media restrictions as well as reports that the regime itself is responsible for some of the looting. By deploying these desperate tactics, Mubarak seems to still view this as a game of smoke and mirrors -- he is struggling to grasp the reality of this historic moment.

Mubarak has attempted to control the situation by diverting TV coverage to inconsequential programming and cutting internet access, but this last ditch effort has ironically illustrated why his time is long past. For example, there were reports on Sunday that a cooking show was airing on Nile TV, the state-owned television station, while an estimated 250,000 Egyptians gathered to protest in Tahrir, or Liberation, Square. Al Jazeera was also shut down and several of their journalists were arrested under the allegation that they were riling up protestors. Meanwhile, the number of demonstrators has swelled with each passing day.

Even more troubling are reports linking looters to the Interior Ministry's police force. This strategy of state-sponsored vandalism may have been targeted to both the outside world as well as to Egyptians, designed to make Egypt look unsafe and chaotic without Mubarak. But it is largely backfiring, leading many to conclude that the president is simply concerned with maintaining power at any cost.

As the daughters of Egyptian immigrants, we have grown up constantly reminded about the ills of closed societies, and we have witnessed the impact of freedom and opportunity on our own families in this country. In light of current events, we urge the U.S. government to support the protesters and give Egyptians this same chance. We recognize the difficulty of the Administration's position given its relationship with the Mubarak government as a strategic ally. We strongly believe, however, that the benefits of a U.S. policy that embraces true democracy in Egypt far outweigh those of the status quo which perpetuate an authoritarian regime for the sake of "stability in the region." History has shown us that non-democratic governments are inherently unstable because they suppress the will of the people, and there is a limit to human indignity and humiliation. Supporting this regime pits us against our own core values and raises questions about our credibility in this critical part of the world. Over 60% of Egypt's population and 90% of Egypt's unemployed are under the age of 30 according to the US Census Bureau. These youth are the very people leading this Revolution, and they will be the country's leaders for decades to come. They aspire for the same things young people wish for everywhere - to secure basic necessities such as food and shelter, to be treated with dignity and respect, and to hope for a better future. We should be investing in that future rather than supporting the final vestiges of a dying regime.

The protesters have called for a Million Man March to commemorate the one week anniversary of this historic popular uprising. Viewing the pictures of young and old, men and women, Muslim and Christian, peacefully demonstrating for their human rights, we can't help but be reminded of our own country's history. Only a few short weeks ago, we celebrated the leadership of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. in our nation's struggle for civil rights. Half way across the world, Egyptians are rising up, echoing Dr. King's calls for equal rights to social and economic opportunity and a just, representative political system. We hope the U.S. administration will take this opportunity to stand on the right side of history. Our commitment to our nation's founding principles must be extended to all peoples of the world if we want to ensure our moral authority as a democratic nation and our global leadership for generations to come.

Mona Mowafi is a Research Fellow at the Harvard School of Public Health. Nadine Farag has a Masters degree from the Harvard School of Public Health. Both authors have lived, worked, and conducted research related to health and development in Egypt.