They may also be an endangered species.
Branded traitors by many who share their sexual preference, and attacked as immoral by many of their own political persuasion, these gay men and women seek strength in dwindling numbers as members of the Log Cabin Republicans. At least one evening a month, they meet at local bars throughout the city to bond with others over their unique balancing act -- being openly homosexual and unabashedly conservative.
"It was easier to come out as gay to Republican friends than it is to come out as a Republican to other gays," said Brian Graybow, a member of the New York group's governing caucus.
"I'm afraid of where the Republican Party has been heading in recent years, particularly with respect to Christian fundamentalism," said James Saunders, a tax attorney and longtime Log Cabin member. "It makes it uncomfortable to be a Republican."
But leaders of the Log Cabin Republicans believe that the current presidential election represents a chance to turn the page on the divisive Bush years. After declining to endorse President George W. Bush in 2004, the organization has thrown their support behind Senator John McCain's candidacy.
"The McCain-Palin ticket represents perhaps the most gay-friendly Republican ticket in history," said Brian Graybow, a member of the group's governing caucus, in explaining the Log Cabin's endorsement.
At the local level, the New York City chapter of the Log Cabins is using excitement surrounding the 2008 presidential election to reinvigorate an organization that had become moribund during the past five years. In May, Log Cabin launched a redesign of its website and began hosting monthly receptions to bolster membership. Their efforts are paying off. Ranks swelled to over 1,000, and the organization's political action arm has raised $75,000 on behalf of four state assembly candidates who are supportive of gay rights.
While Log Cabin's leadership is feeling sanguine about the direction of the Republican Party, many members at the ground level are more cautiously optimistic.
"I do not agree with the Republican party on gay issues," said Kent Michaels, a research analyst at Goldman Sachs. "In fact, their attitude is truly reprehensible. But the Democratic Party hasn't stepped up on that issue either."
Michaels, however, went on to say that he could never vote for Obama because of his views: "He wants to redistribute the wealth. The ability to get really, really wealthy is part of the American Dream."
Michaels exemplifies the kind of hybrid Republican that Log Cabin gatherings typically attract. The crowd of sixty partygoers watching the debate tended to be affluent, white, and overwhelmingly male. Economic issues and tax policy were of paramount importance, leading them to typically vote Republican (although a smattering sat out the last election). Most, however, were less orthodox in their conservatism than other party faithful, even as everyone in the barroom voiced support for McCain.
"I believe that McCain can better handle entitlement issues," said Carlo Aprea, a hedge fund manager.
"McCain is an example of somebody who put country before everything else," said Dr. Abraham Uncyk, who has been a fan of McCain since he ran in the 2000 presidential primary. "I've been waiting eight years to vote for him."
For Aprea, Uncyk and their fellow Log Cabin members, McCain's views on the economy and international relations make up for his opposition to gay rights. While most expressed dismay that McCain was not more supportive, a few bridled when asked if gay issues factored into their decision.
"I cannot stand narcissistic gay people who think that the world revolves around gay issues," said Reynolds Butler, a Brooklyn-based librarian. "I mean right now we are fighting against Islamo-terrorists who plan to take over the world."
The fiery Butler, who came to event decked out in a McCain-Palin t-shirt, exhibited passion throughout the course of the debate. He heckled Senator Joesph Biden for being "weak on terror" and cheered lustily when Gov. Palin repeated the mantra, "drill, baby drill.
Only one other person matched his intensity. Gioia Ambrette.
As one of only seven women at the bar, Ambrette, with her booming voice and cackle, made certain that what the female Log Cabins lacked in numbers, they more than made up for in volume. Her sarcastic quips ricocheted off the walls of the tiny room, overwhelming the comments of the other, equally spirited members.
"When was the last time he was in Scranton?" hooted Ambrette, her arm draped over her partner of thirty years, as Biden recounted his childhood spent in Pennsylvania steel country.
Four decades ago, Ambrette would have been shocked to have found herself at a gathering like this. As a college student, she was a self-described "crazy hippie leftist," caught up in the anti-Vietnam War movement. As her voicemail business grew, she became irate over the amount she was spending on taxes and found her allegiances shifting to the party of Reagan.
It hasn't been easy. Until she started coming to Log Cabin meetings last summer, Ambrette confesses she never felt safe to express her political views freely.
"Gay liberals are the most intolerant people in the world," Ambrette said. "Once they find out you are conservative, they drop you like a hot potato."
Graybow echoes Ambrette's sentiments, noting "It was easier to come out as gay to Republican friends than it is to come out as a Republican to other gays."
Part of what Ambrette and Graybow's gay friends may be responding to is the sheer novelty of finding a gay Republican.
Recent studies have shown that over the past eight years, the gay vote, which represents about 5 percent of the vote nationally, has become almost exclusively Democratic. In just three weeks, as many as 90 percent of gay voters are likely to pull the lever for Senator Barack Obama, according to polling by Kenneth Sherrill, Professor of Political Science at Hunter College.
It wasn't always this way. In the past, gay voters were not a monolithic constituency. Studies conducted in the 1990s by the late Robert Bailey, a Rutgers University public policy professor, demonstrated that one-third of gay voters supported Republicans in 1998. But that began to change with George W. Bush's election in 2000 and, in particular, with his reelection campaign in 2004.
As part of its strategy, the Bush re-election campaign stoked anti-gay prejudices by maneuvering to have marriage amendments placed on the ballot in swing states such as Ohio, in an effort to bring out evangelical voters. This year, despite the fact that marriage bans will be on the ballot in such electoral-rich states as California and Florida, the war in Iraq and the economy have dwarfed social issues.
Log Cabin members were hopeful that McCain's reluctance to resort to these types of polarizing tactics derived from a greater willingness on his part to support gay rights. As evidence, they cite McCain's opposition to the federal marriage amendment and his recent interview with the Washington Blade, a gay magazine - the first time in the publication's history that a Republican presidential nominee has ever agreed to answer their candidate questionnaire.
Scott Tucker, Communications Director for the national Log Cabin Republicans believes that this election represents a chance to push the Republican Party to be more sympathetic to gay rights issues.
"We believe it's conservative to support relationship recognition," said Tucker. "We are calling for the Republicans to return to the basics: free trade and open markets. We are urging the GOP to return to those issues that unite us rather than those that divide us. And Senator McCain has been willing to hear us out on these things."
In arguing that little has changed, other left-leaning gay groups such as the Stonewall Democrats and the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force point to McCain's opposition to hate crime legislation and civil unions and his endorsement of the army's "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" policy.
They have a point. Though the McCain camp has been more solicitous of the Log Cabins than past Republican candidacies, sending top strategist Steve Schmidt to accept their endorsement in person and calling the group from time to time for advice, it is notable that there is no section on the McCain's website devoted to gay issues. In contrast, Sen. Obama's campaign has devoted enormous resources to courting gay voters by forming an Obama Pride group numbering in the tens of thousands and appearing with other Democratic primary candidates at a gay rights voter forum last fall.
Though part of a shrinking subset of the American electorate, as the debate commenced, the Log Cabin Republicans at the Sheraton came together to show their solidarity. They pumped their fists in the air, stomped their feet and hollered words of encouragement while washing down wings and burgers with martinis and beer.
The loudest cheers, however, were reserved for Gov. Palin's answer to a question regarding benefits for same-sex couples. While Gov. Palin reaffirmed her opposition to gay marriage, she did state: "No one would ever propose, not in a McCain-Palin administration, to do anything to prohibit, say, visitations in a hospital or contracts being signed, negotiated between parties."
Good enough for the crowd at the Sheraton. Their catcalls of approval were so uproarious that they drowned out Sen. Biden's follow up. After the debate ended and members made their goodbyes, many were still talking excitedly about Gov. Palin's response.
But a few remained wary. James Saunders admitted that he still harbors doubts regarding his allegiance to the GOP. Yet he hopes that one day soon, perhaps under a McCain administration, the party will return to the big tent philosophy it once espoused.
"I'm an Episcopalian and I'm a Republican," said Saunders. "But that can be difficult today, which is a shame. The Bible tells us that God created everyone in his own image.
"Shouldn't that include homosexuals?"
