AP Photo/El Nuevo Dia, J. Ismael Fernandez Reyes
A few days ago in this blog space, my colleague, Dr. Maritza Stanchich, posted an overview of yet another student strike at the University of Puerto Rico. Her viewpoint is clearly pro-strike and runs counter to the opinions of many University of Puerto Rico faculty, students, and employees. Allow me to present a different viewpoint of the same conflict.
The standard mechanism for student strikes at the University of Puerto Rico is to forcibly deny everybody else at the institution their rights to study, to teach, to work, and to do research. This mechanism is illegal on many levels. It denies others their basic civil rights. It violates University of Puerto Rico student regulations that clearly state students have no right to impede academic activities. It flies in the face of the university's Non-Confrontation Policy that says no groups or individuals have the right to impede academic or administrative activities.
Student strikes are not protected under Puerto Rico's laws because students do not have an employee-employer relationship with the university. In the numerous legal actions brought by the University of Puerto Rico in the Superior Court, and, most recently, before the Puerto Rico Supreme Court, the courts have ruled that student strikes are, in fact, illegal and are not a valid exercise of freedom of speech. The courts have ordered student strikers to cease and desist from their actions. For 25 years, the illegality of the strikes at every level has not led the university to be proactive about maintaining access to the campus. In the current case and as a part of the Open University Policy, the University of Puerto Rico administration has taken action by bringing in the state police to assure free access to the campus and to guarantee the rights of those who want to continue offering classes, taking classes, and doing their jobs.
During my 23+ years of employment at UPR, I have repeatedly been denied free access to my laboratory and my office, my places of work, by whichever group that chooses to violate my civil rights as a pressure point for their cause. In my younger assistant professor years, I just jumped the fence to go to work and avoid controversy. More recently, I have begun to fight for my rights. In 2005, ten professors (I was one) sued the university to guarantee our access to our laboratories. After winning a preliminary injunction in federal court, we settled our case with the university when the board of trustees emitted a certification guaranteeing that all campuses would be open, regardless of strikes. In the 62-day strike earlier this year, I was physically threatened, pushed, spit upon, and insulted by groups who tried to deny me access, but I insisted on my rights.
Contrary to what Dr. Stanchich portrays as a peaceful movement, this type of abuse and violence is routine during strikes at the University of Puerto Rico. Numerous student strikers hide their identities by covering their faces with hoods and masks, and they carry weapons, such as metal tubes, sticks with nails in them, baseball bats, and slingshots with lead pellets. Just last week, in an effort to disrupt normal activity and create terror, hooded students threw smoke bombs into classrooms filled with students. Following such incidents, and unlike prior occasions when such intimidation occurred, Puerto Rico police are now present, and they have ably maintained campus access for all university employees and students. For many years, I have waited for the university or the government of Puerto Rico to defend my civil rights. This is the first time they have done so. In that sense, I am very satisfied with the actions taken by the university administration.
Over the last 30 years, the Río Piedras campus of the University of Puerto Rico has been moving towards becoming a first-rate research institution. It is beginning to succeed. According to the National Science Foundation's latest data, 24% of Hispanics in the United States who obtain a PhD in Science, Mathematics or Engineering, passed through the University of Puerto Rico for some part of their education. The UPR-Río Piedras Strategic Plan, Vision 2016 -- endorsed by all campus academic and administrative bodies -- asserts the importance of research, knowledge creation, and scholarly activity. In keeping with that objective, the University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras has grown its existing graduate programs, created new doctoral offerings, and expanded its external funding profile with federal agencies.
As required for research institutions, the university has a contractual obligation and responsibility to comply with federal and state laws governing research and laboratory operations, including the safe stewardship of highly specialized equipment, dangerous chemicals, and human and animal research. The university has acted correctly in bringing in the appropriate level of security to safeguard not only the interests of the institution and its constituents, but of the general public as well.
Many of the recent UPR student conflicts have received national and even international attention. As a result, my stateside colleagues invariably have many questions. I always try to carefully explain the issues. Inevitably, I get the following question: "How much do students at the University of Puerto Rico pay for tuition and fees?" My answer: $1200-$1500, depending on the number of credits. Per semester? No, per year. At that point, the discussion usually ends in disbelief because they cannot believe (1) how low the tuition and fees are, and (2) how it possibly can be an issue, given the cost of higher education everywhere else, including other institutions in Puerto Rico.
When we add to the equation the multiple sources of financial assistance available to UPR students, e.g. Pell Grants, student loans, etc., it should be clear that the issue of resources is not the primary reason for the student conflict. Of course, it goes without saying no one wants to increase the costs of education. Moreover, I fully understand some UPR students have difficulty paying the current modest tuition and will have even greater problems meeting the new $400 per semester fee. For that very reason, the government has created several special scholarship funds totaling more than $30 million dollars to address the needs of that sector.
With the awarding of over 300,000 degrees, the University of Puerto Rico has distinguished itself over the last 100+ years. UPR alumni from a wide range of academic disciplines have brought honor to the institution through their service to Puerto Rico and to the nation. Yet, today the institution is on the brink of losing its Middle States Commission on Higher Education accreditation and being de-certified for U.S. Department of Education Title IV funds.
The current situation at the University of Puerto Rico threatens not only the present and the future of the institution, but also the past. Alumni may soon find themselves with a degree from a non-existent university. I, personally, am proud to be an integral part of a public research institution that has made a difference in so many students' lives. It would be a great tragedy to lose such a successful institution because a small minority cannot accept the will of the majority and the economic realities of the times. The time to put politics aside, analyze the real data, and reach the conclusion that serves the greater good has arrived.
Brad R. Weiner is Professor of Chemistry and Dean of the College of Natural Sciences at the University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras.
In addition to the course cuts that Patrick-André points out, it is worth pointing out that course caps have been raised (in a great many cases there are more students in classrooms than desks!), faculty promotions have been on hold for over two years, the meager travel monies have been eliminated (my dept received a total of $1000 for the entire year--not per person, for the entire department!), cost of living increases have been eliminated, excess sick day pay is gone--all of these things ultimately hurt the quality of teaching and research on campus (and make it impossible to attract good faculty).
And if all must concede to the majority opinion, surely the vast majority of the university community views as ludicrious the Open University Policy he endorses, which means nothing more than demolishing the gates of campus in a high crime area and militarizing the campus--significantly decreasing, rather than increasing our security.
Of course menacing intimidation from all sectors must be denounced. But is it really for the greater good that the administration coerce professors and students--pro and anti-strike alike--to attend classes with SWAT snipers on the roofs? Wouldn't dialogue be much healthier for everyone involved? Does Dr. Weiner really prefer hordes of heavily-equipped police to mediated dialogue?
And what of this week's developments, in which the deans of the Colleges of Humanities, Social Sciences and General Studies; 18 professors of The Law School; and the Academic Senate, all called for an end to the campus police occupation as a condition for opening up a space of dialogue to settle this dispute?
Surely all these voices cannot simply be written off as pro-strike.
Case 1: "The standard mechanism for student strikes at the University of Puerto Rico is to forcibly deny everybody else at the institution their rights to study, to teach, to work, and to do research."
We live in a democratic society. And through parliamentary processes known as student assemblies, the students voted for a strike. The administration simply covered its eyes and ears and said it heard nothing of a strike. Even before confrontation had begun, the campus had been militarized with cops and special tactics forces. Students would stand at the gates and tell students to go home because their was a strike. Then the administration established "freedom of expression areas". At this point we threw our First Amendment out the window. And the situation escalated at this outright disrespect to the students' basic human rights.
But this article does more than criticize the UPR student strike movement. It could easily be interpreted on student strikes in general. So don't see this as an attack on Puerto Rico. See this as an attack on all student strikes. Because if a strike doesn't interrupt processes within a university, then it is not a strike.
Case 2: "My answer: $1200-$1500, depending on the number of credits. Per semester? No, per year."
So, it may seem convincing right? So if Brad is going to use this as an argument, you would expect him to be informed of the current pricing, or maybe he got the figure from a student whom he knows, right? He didn't simply use a calculator to get a figure, right? Well, as a student of the UPR, I pay $2000 for 15 credits, which is less than the 18 credits I am recommended by my program. Oh, and what is this per year thing? No, I pay $2000 per semester. Maybe the pricing was forgivable, but how could you get the semester part wrong? Subjectivity at its finest. And don't even get me started on cost of life.
But the problem here is that everyone chooses to focus on the pricing dilemma, when the real issue here is why we are on probation. Because the administration is not integrating all groups into its decision-making and for not disclosing its finances, which are funded with state taxpayer money. I think we all have a right to know how Presidency is using our money.
"When we add to the equation the multiple sources of financial assistance available to UPR students..."
Uggghhh. Not everyone gets financial assistance. Why can't you understand? Most of us pay for everything with little help.
Still now, the students are asking for negotiations, saying they are a minority and focusing on the few that commit acts of violence is a low blow for people that are in position to promote dialogue. What is the alternative?
The ACLU chapter from PR has stated that it would be a lie to say that the university may lose its Middle States Commission on Higher Education accreditation as a result of the strike. The problem lies in an administration that fails to do its job correctly.
The same administration that won't listen to students and their proposals; an administration that has a spending problem (feel free to look into the many contracts the university has with Capitol Security); and an administration that follows orders from La Fortaleza.
By ordering police pressence at the campus, the governor has broken a nearly 3 decade truce which was intended to put a stop to various illegal police practices, including an excessive use of violence. These are students, not criminals. The police should have never been called to take over the university.
Student leaders have expressed their desire for students not to conceal their identities when taking part in protests, Some still do. It is unclear whether those who conceal their identities do so out of fear of becoming a target of police persecution, which is a real problem in the island, or even if they are outsiders trying to cause problems and blame the students who are fighting to keep the university affordable to everyone.
As a UPRRP alumna as well as a PhD candidate in the Humanities, I am appalled that Dr. Weiner suggests students should just suck it up and bend to the will of the "majority." If there's one thing that the UPR fostered in me was the importance of critical thinking. That comment does NOT sound like critical thinking to me.
You should also be careful in labeling your colleagues as pro or anti-strike. I can tell you that Maritza Stanchich along with many other professors made every effort to find solutions throughout the semester so as to avoid the strike. Is it possible that one could oppose the police presence and violence and still not back the strike?
I respect your right to an opinion but please be careful in labeling people and in throwing around "facts" about the budget when you haven't done your homework.
The point I am trying to make here is that a. a few (you always get some hotheads mixed in the crowd, and I know, I was there in 1981) smoke-bomb throwing or stick-carrying students do not, ever in a million years, (as reprehensible as their individual actions could be) equal the systematic institutional violence this government has poured into the UPR this year, and b. repressing the question of what kind of society Puerto Ricans want will solve it, either. I respectfully suggest you and your students "who want to study" come from under your rock (or petri dish) and smell the coffee, or, may I suggest you find another 3rd world country with no so much social unrest to do your research. How about Mississippi?
its about $4000 a year with the tuition hike + living expenses=$20,000 *schools own calculation. paid by loan.
This is but the latest of many events since this new Puerto Rican government came into power that serves to illustrate the times in which citizens of Puerto Rico are living, there appears to be a concerted effort by the government to dismantle any semblance of dissidence. The government is on an ideological campaign to put down obstacles to its political agenda by implementing cold war tactics reminiscent of the 1960’s and 1970’s. Its must vulnerable victims are the fundamental rights guaranteed by the first, fourth and fifth amendments to the Constitution of the United States, the Puerto Rico Constitution, and international human rights documents