The cost of textbooks has been rising at an average annual rate of six percent. While students no doubt have been aware of the issue all along, cringing at the start of each semester as they tally the costs for course materials, legislators have finally caught on.
The far more important question is how we win the bigger more consequential war that sparked this little back-and-forth this week: the war that Wall Street and the other powers that be are fighting to defeat the progressive populist ideas of our leaders and our movement.
Most men are pro-choice to varying degrees, but unlike the anti-choice activists, are relatively quiet about that. Perhaps that can change a bit.
That's when I found the progressive movement: the informal network of people and organizations working across race, class, sexuality, and origin to hold America to its best values, to the vision that all of us are created equal, and with inalienable rights
Matalin, Reagan and Green debate Obamacare's failed rollout and the GOP's flawless inaction. The panel also discusses how CBS turned Benghazi from a tragedy into a hoax, as well as "Harvard on the Potomac."
As we debated -- and ultimately passed -- the Employment Nondiscrimination Act (ENDA) this week, I discovered something fascinating: Americans were frankly surprised to learn that in the majority of states, it's still perfectly legal to fire someone because they're gay.
Legislators like Grace Napolitano deserve credit not only for helping at-risk children and teens blend in and succeed in life but also for conceptualizing and implementing creative ventures in spite of the gridlock in Washington.
It's now painfully clear that the president has put out a contract on the Fourth Amendment. And at the Capitol, the hierarchies of both parties are stuffing it into the trunks of their limousines, so each provision can be neatly fitted with cement shoes and delivered to the bottom of the Potomac.
For more than a month, outrage has been profuse in response to news about NSA surveillance and other evidence that all three branches of the U.S. government are turning Uncle Sam into Big Brother. Now what?
The Southwest is a place of great opportunity, enchantment, and grandeur, and yet, also a place of poverty and inequality in the United States. Through its children, it is also a place that will play an expanding and critically important role in either the successes or failures of our nation.
D.C. Centrism embraces what the political establishment, especially including the big special interests who tend to control this town, thinks is right, even when the vast majority of Americans are opposed to it.
The road to political and economic ruin for the Democrats began in the late spring of 2013, when President Obama agreed to a budget grand bargain that cut deficits by 2.8 trillion dollars over ten years, deflated a fragile recovery, and left no room for more than token domestic spending on jobs or infrastructure. The cuts were somewhat "back-loaded" -- bigger later in the decade. But in 2014 they took $200 billion out of the budget. According to CBO, that cut the growth rate by a full percentage point. As part of the deal, more Medicare costs were shifted to patients, and the cost-of-living adjustment for Social Security was cut. Both changes, proposed in Obama's own budget, reduced purchasing power by over $100 billion among the elderly -- who surprised experts by backing Republicans by a margin of 59-41, according to exit polls. The 2013 budget deal, according to Roger Hickey of Campaign for America's Future, "left the Democrats with bragging rights as deficit hawks, but not on the real economy."
President Obama brought his campaign to curb gun violence to Minnesota on Monday, and the North Star State offers valuable lessons for a nation in the midst of a critical public debate.
Maybe it's just me, but it seems we've entered a lull in the election. Maybe it's just my own exhaustion with our quadrennial political circus, but it seems things have settled in for the bitter end of the campaign.
Most obituaries described Wellstone as a quixotic radical, out of step with the times -- a progressive in a conservative era. But Wellstone understood the importance of pushing the debate to the left while also fighting for concrete gains in legislation.
Here is the takeaway from last week's saturation-level political activity, revealed by carefully-staged theater and by the moments in which the actors went off-script: Mitt Romney is not a particularly great decision-maker, and Paul Ryan is a liar.