In some countries, including the United States, politics and the scarcity of common sense have led to soft power being pushed out of the policy mainstream, consigned to the backwaters of wishful thinking. Correcting this, in the United States at least, will require structural change.
It is clear that under the shade of America's security umbrella in the Middle East, Koreans have been making strong inroads. Are there ways in which the United States, as a partner of Korea, might seek to benefit from those inroads, whether on the ground or over the airwaves?
On the third anniversary of the Arab Spring, the principal question is: has the Tunisian model for democratic transition succeeded in placing Tunisia on the path of democracy? And what are the principal features of this model that make it successful?
And yet despite the strains and the ferment, Tunisia has once again turned itself into a crucible of hope. A government dominated by Islamists resigned quietly, soon replaced by a cabinet of technocrats. Earlier this week, the assembly adopted a new constitution.
Perkins should be smart enough to know that comparing anyone to the Nazis is one of the third rails of American political discourse. To compare it to the Occupy movement or a few zealous activists is more than a stretch.
Many nations attending the Geneva II conference, including the United States, appear to have been totally caught off guard by a recent hastily organized news conference and announcement issued by U.N Secretary General Ban Ki-moon.
Perhaps the radicalism of the Egyptian Revolution is not that it could have happened, it's that it did. And we can see that something is different now, despite everything three years on.
In this week's issue, we put the spotlight on Egypt, where things feel disturbingly similar to the way they were before the Arab Spring.
The events of the past decades have been a reflection of the interests of the superpowers and the balance of global politics. The past few years have proven that the Middle East's dependence on international powers is no longer fruitful.
The initiative, however, is one of the launch projects of an interesting and ambitious new organization called "Izdahar," founded by Yasmin Tayeby to promote artistic exchange between the United States and the Arab countries, Egypt in particular.
There is a battle of ideas taking place within the Arab world, and it is polarizing a region whose long-term outlook remains uncertain.
Whether Tunisia turns into a stronghold of stability and democratic governance in the coming years is uncertain, but given the region's current volatility, Tunisia seems to be light-years ahead of its neighbors.
As Tunisia and Egypt move a step closer toward completing constitutions this week, their experiences highlight the divergent fates of the Arab region's Islamist movements, resulting from the wise and foolish political choices of each country's political elites.
It is becoming increasingly clear that the hopes in 2011 of a new dawn sparked by the toppling of autocratic leaders in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen were little more than pie in the sky. Nevertheless, the genie of inevitable change has been let out of the bottle.
While those in Western countries may wonder what is meant by "transitional justice," in societies emerging from a period of mass abuse -- such as systematic torture, massive disappearances and crimes against humanity -- the question of how to address past abuses is an urgent one, particularly for victims.
Sec. of State Kerry is certainly aware of the history and histrionics of the peace process, as well as the risks of failure, and his persistence despite seeming intransigence underscores the potentially grave consequences of walking away.