Bo's trial is a political event; his crimes are the same as those committed by almost all Chinese politicians, and were selected for the sake of convenience. As such, the trial tells us next to nothing about rule of law in China.
When it is impossible to trust the verdict of a legal system that is in thrall to its politics, we must seek other ways of interpreting its verdicts. We must see its verdicts as a sign of the times. When major changes in governance occur, a powerful woman usually gets offered up as a sacrifice.
According to an article in the Times there are seven things Xi Jinping, China's new leader, wants to eliminate ("China Takes Aim at Western Ideas," N...
In this interview, He Weifang, one of China's most preeminent advocates of the rule of law, ponders the paradoxes of a top Communist Party leader who abused the legal system when running Chongqing, but at his own trial, persuasively argued for "impartiality" from the courts.
At last, Bo Xilai is going on trial. The case against the former Politburo member brings to a climax the aggressive anti-corruption drive undertaken by the Chinese Communist Party.
Last year, the World Bank laid out a blueprint for reform which included privatizing large areas of the state and the greening of the economy. But, such changes will require taking on entrenched state interests. And, this will represent the heart of Xi's main challenge.
by Mary McGuire Senior Communications Manager and Mary Humphreys, Communications Intern A thick skin is a necessary prerequisite for every success...
This style of reform is necessary if China is truly going to liberalize and we at the University of Louisville's Center for Asian Democracy (CAD) were disappointed to see that Wang himself was not appointed to the politburo standing committee in November.
Will the fifth generation of leadership led by President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Li Keqiang, signal China remains future-focused? Will they make moves to manage intra-Party conflicts of interest that, to date, have precluded meaningful political and economic reform?
Despite the promise of wider editorial latitude, CCTV America's coverage of China is largely scrubbed of controversy and upbeat in tone, with a heavy emphasis on business and cultural stories in places where Beijing hopes to gain influence.
The story of how China's political elites have been able to leverage their power to make a quick RMB is alluring, but it is also important to keep this in perspective and remember that most of China's richest owe their success to their distance from, rather than their connections in, Beijing.
The polo shirt is an example of a Chinese twist on conspicuous consumption. Instead of expensive tailored suits, designer ties and glittering cuff links, nouveau riche Chinese seem content to purchase ever pricier polo shirts.
Two major events in China are sure to shape the world's newest superpower: the sensational murder trial of Madame Gu Kailai, and the top secret leadership conclave at the seaside resort of Beidaihe.
However paradoxical it may sound to Westernears, the Chinese government has succeeded by drawing upon sources of non-democratic legitimacy.
We should not harbor illusions about China. It is largely run by the rich, for the rich. Perhaps that's why it feels, to me, so much like home.
I recently caught up with Ian Johnson, an old friend and sometimes co-author, and asked him some of the sorts of questions I thought he might get when he is part of an upcoming Asia Society panel on contemporary China.