Since I agree with the vast majority of what Bernstein has to say, let me pick on three areas where I have some disagreement. The first is the discussion of the initial financial crisis that Bernstein stepped into at the start of 2009 as one of Obama's advisers.
Balancing the budget through reduced spending and increased revenues, ending the vast expansion of the Federal Reserve's balance sheet and normalizing interest rates, are all necessary actions in the effort to right the economy in the face of the Great Recession.
Daniel DiSalvo's new book paints a dark conspiracy where public sector unions push for ever higher pay and benefits, work rules that allow for endless loafing on the job, and disciplinary policies that prevent even the most incompetent from being fired. It's a moving story -- the data just don't quite fit the picture.
I heard a news report on the radio about a new MIT study that finds that the U.S. government is not spending enough on research and development and that this is putting us at a competitive disadvantage.
Some of the nation's most vulnerable families are headed by young parents, many who juggle poverty-level wages and social shaming. From homelessness and housing insecurity to violence and abuse, these young families face hardships that should be at the top of our nation's agenda.
A government agency with a salary structure that makes it nearly impossible to compete against the best legal and accounting firms in the country in the best of times is being forced to fire staff, furlough its remaining employees and subject those who remain to ever-increasing workloads while at the same time the complexity of that workload is increasing exponentially.
Any Canadians curious about where Prime Minister Stephen Harper's plan to turn the country into an energy superpower is heading need look no further than the provincial budget just tabled by Alberta. The collapse in oil prices has turned a once-enviable budget surplus into a monster.
Next time you hear someone blabbing about how robots are going to take away our jobs, tell them to can the science fiction and get back to the real world. The immediate threat to jobs is the folks on the Federal Reserve Board who want to raise interest rates.
Democrats need to find their voice. In 2016 there are 198 Democratic seats in the Senate and House that will be up for election.
For most of its history, the Federal Reserve has been dominated by bankers and orthodox economists, who kill the recovery at the first sign of inflationary risks. Happily, the Fed today is led by Janet Yellen, a very uncharacteristic Fed chair who spent most of her career as a labor economist, of all things. Yellen is aware of the changes in the structure of labor markets and is unlikely to jump the gun on raising rates, though it's always possible that she could be outvoted. The risk today is not that an improving jobs picture will set off inflation. It's that even tight labor markets, by themselves, will not generate enough pressure for wage increases, because workers have lost so much bargaining power.
Its unemployment rate is 25.8 percent, the worst in the eurozone (slightly more than Spain's 23.7 percent), as it has been in a deflationary spiral, further depressing its economic activity.
So many children have lost ground as the trumped-up fear of excessive debt children did not cause has been used by some in Congress to cut safety net programs we know work.
he president likes to talk a good game. He continues to propose these new plans that he claims will strengthen the American economy, reduce our debt and give the middle class a boost. But what he fails to do is consider the fiscal consequences these plans carry.
In fact, the Republican Party's economic agenda is harsher than anything even Germany's been willing to propose. So why hasn't there been a successful U.S. electoral countermovement along Syriza's lines? There are a number of reasons.
In the following interview, Mario Seccareccia, a professor of economics at the University of Ottawa, talks about why what happened to Greece was entirely predictable, why the Greeks were right to reject austerity in the recent election, and what challenges the country faces in forging a sustainable path forward with the left-wing Syriza party at the helm.
Some economists on the left argue that the deficit is not a serious threat to the health of the economy, while other experts say that projected increases show that long-term solutions need to be found. What does the public think about this debate?