Mwazna is the brainchild of two young Egyptians: Internet entrepreneur and part-time hacker Amr Sobhy and data scientist Tarek Amr. Armed with facts they want to make Egyptian politics more open and discussion more informed.
Egyptian-general-turned-president Abdel Fattah Al Sisi's efforts to lend legitimacy to parliamentary elections scheduled for this spring have gotten off to a murky start with the appointment of a controversial, reportedly United Arab Emirates-backed human rights NGO as one of five foreign election monitors.
Usually in elections, the voters' central dilemma is deciding whether to vote for candidate 'A', 'B', or even 'C'. However, in Egypt's upcoming presidential elections, voters and organizing blocs are revisiting the dilemma they faced in their 2012 elections.
Egyptian security, stability, terrorism, and future relations with the United States and Israel were among the issues Egypt's presidential frontrunner candidate field Marshal Abdel Fatah El- Sisi revealed in series of media interviews.
Egyptian soccer is adding salt to the run-up to presidential elections that are certain to be won by the country's strongman, newly retired general Abdel Fattah Al Sisi, with the announcement of the controversial chairman of one of Egypt's foremost clubs that he too was a presidential candidate.
Mr. Hamdi, a former soccer player and Al Ahli captain, has headed the club, whose supporters played a key role in toppling Mr. Mubarak and have clashed repeatedly in recent months with security forces, for 12 years.
The Egyptian government's effort to promote soccer and use the sport to garner public support amounts to a double-edged sword.
Although the UN does important humanitarian work, it is overgrown with the weeds of a dysfunctional bureaucracy and spineless leadership, and has become a watering hole for states that are prepared to sanction sex discrimination and extremist ideology without fear of serious challenge by the world body.
Amid entrenched political battle lines that have been reinforced by a brutal security force crackdown on supporters of ousted President Mohammed Morsi, Egyptians would do well to look at past events in the Philippines as well as the last two and a half years of their own history.
by Ethar El-Katatney Cairo - More than 1,200 dead in 72 hours. It's hard for that to sink in. It's hard to try and process, let alone analyze, the sh...
The U.S. quest for stability in the Middle East that amounted to support for autocratic regimes at the expense of democratic values was in part fueled by fear -- fear that change in countries like Saudi Arabia threatened to open the door to the replacement of conservative, pro-Western rulers by military officers steeped in a vision that combined nationalism and Islamism.
The US reaction to the Egypt coup shows that its policy hinges on two ideas: democracy and stability, which constitutes the dilemma. As a result this perpetually causes it problems in the region.
The Egyptian military coup was Saudi Arabia's third successful counter-strike in recent weeks against the wave of change in the Middle East and North Africa and its most important defeat to date of Qatari support for popular revolts and the Brotherhood.
Reducing Egypt's predicament only to the issue of a coup without realizing the central issues of division and violence in today's Egypt is too simplistic and dangerous.
Both Morsi and Erdogan's failure to adopt inclusive policies alienated a significant portion of the population. But unlike Erdogan, Morsi failed to realize that he had lostthe second ingredient of legitimacy: a recognition by those that had not voted for him that he was the country's elected leader.
People having faith in democracy, regardless of their views, ideologies or political tendencies must show their reaction to this step backward in Egypt and not remain silent to it. The contrary would be nothing but a worldwide betrayal of democracy.