I fear that, eventually, a vicious and bloody revolution will bring about an Iranian-style theocracy in Egypt. It is all too often forgotten that the CIA coup of the democratically elected Mosaddegh government in Iran led to the Iranian revolution twenty years later.
Those who want to understand the reasons for the coup in Egypt and for the shocking massacres and human rights violations that followed should study the military, not simply as an important institution in Egypt, but as the controlling institution in Egypt.
Amid entrenched political battle lines that have been reinforced by a brutal security force crackdown on supporters of ousted President Mohammed Morsi, Egyptians would do well to look at past events in the Philippines as well as the last two and a half years of their own history.
Anyone following the Egyptian media since President Morsi's overthrow would get a very quick education in how to invent the twilight zone, and then live in it.
I wrote my string quartet, The Named Angels, against the current backdrop of unrest in the Middle East. Each of the four movements of the quartet portrays of one of the four angels shared by the Jewish, Christian and Islamic faiths.
To maintain its tightrope act, the Obama administration will have to draw a clear distinction between peaceful, legitimate and democratic expression of dissent and terrorism. Failure to do so will increasingly put it in the camp of those seeking to stymie political change.
A soccer brawl last year in which more than 70 militant soccer fans died galvanized significant numbers of Egyptians against the military and security...
We pray for the Christian community to continue to embody the love, patience and meekness of Christ. We pray for the future so that these acts of violence would not create forms of terrorism or oppression.
Are we to condemn ElBaradei for this apparent hypocrisy, or commend him for his altruism in becoming involved in a process for the greater good of the country that he would otherwise reject?
The U.S. quest for stability in the Middle East that amounted to support for autocratic regimes at the expense of democratic values was in part fueled by fear -- fear that change in countries like Saudi Arabia threatened to open the door to the replacement of conservative, pro-Western rulers by military officers steeped in a vision that combined nationalism and Islamism.
What about the plan for a moderate Islamist government, the idea of an Islamist succession that would not become just another form of despotism? Whatever happens next in Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood has buried that idea.
With the nation in turmoil, it is increasingly clear that both parties in Egypt are using U.S. policy toward Egypt as a whipping boy to rally support for their respective causes as they continue their standoff.
The US reaction to the Egypt coup shows that its policy hinges on two ideas: democracy and stability, which constitutes the dilemma. As a result this perpetually causes it problems in the region.
Militant, highly politicized soccer fans who played key roles in the toppling of Hosni Mubarak and last month's protests in Turkey have been conspicuously absent from the dramatic scenes in Cairo with the overthrow of Mohammed Morsi and ongoing smaller scale protests in Istanbul.
The Egyptian military coup was Saudi Arabia's third successful counter-strike in recent weeks against the wave of change in the Middle East and North Africa and its most important defeat to date of Qatari support for popular revolts and the Brotherhood.
Both Morsi and Erdogan's failure to adopt inclusive policies alienated a significant portion of the population. But unlike Erdogan, Morsi failed to realize that he had lostthe second ingredient of legitimacy: a recognition by those that had not voted for him that he was the country's elected leader.