What we do know is that when the dust settles Egypt will still be divided, will still be facing enormous economic challenges, and will still be in need of a national dialogue that can chart a new course for the country.
Controversial soccer matches this weekend constitute a potential walk-up to a watershed mass anti-government demonstration on June 30 that has Egyptians of all political stripes bracing themselves for political violence and increased uncertainty
The response of an outraged opposition ought to be recourse to the democratic process, not calls to topple the first democratically elected government in Egypt's history.
In a bid to distract attention from his domestic woes, curry favor with the U.S. and Gulf countries and restore Egypt to a leadership position in the region, Morsi chose a Cairo stadium to announce to his supporters that he was cutting diplomatic ties with the Syrian regime.
June 30th marks Mohamed Morsi's first anniversary as President of Egypt. It is also the date set for nationwide demonstrations protesting Morsi's increasingly authoritarian leadership and the role his Muslim Brotherhood is playing in post-Tahrir Egypt.
Equating the protests in Istanbul's Taksim Square with those held two years ago in Cairo's Tahrir Square, and calling the Turkish unrest a "Turkish Summer" comparable to the "Arab Spring" is ridiculous.
"In our time, freedom of association has become a necessary guarantee against the tyranny of the majority," wrote Tocqueville. "The right of association therefore appears to me to be almost as inalienable in its nature as individual freedom."
It is comepletely evident to me and I am certain to many of you that even if these protestors cannot name it, they are responding at a gut level to injustice. To oppression. And simply want freedom from antiquated structures of thought and power that are killing our world.
Allow me please to take you back for a moment to the beginning of 2011. Remember how surprised the world was that, in just 18 days, a leaderless grass-root uprising managed to topple the Mubarak regime that had ruled Egypt with an iron fist for 30 years?
Like in Indonesia, the question of military reform in Egypt is complicated by public perception of the police and security forces, who are widely viewed as not only brutal but also incompetent and corrupt.
Egypt's economic policy has been in a virtual holding pattern since the end of last year and the government finds itself in exactly the same situation today as it was nearly six months ago: having to implement tough but unavoidable reforms in the face of deep political division and with elections just around the corner.
With the world's attention riveted on war-torn Syria, far too little attention has been focused on Egypt's economic woes and their long-term implications for the region.
The revolution here is barely two years old, and any visitor to Cairo with an interest in peoples' struggles (like me) will find plenty of opportunities to learn more.
Egyptian authorities have expanded the ban on fans attending matches to include international as well as domestic games in a bid to prevent violence that is likely to backfire and spark renewed incidents in a country that is reeling from economic decline.
With the revolution in Egypt, freedom can be misunderstood. Locals are learning that on a busy urban street, unbridled freedom can become a straitjacket for all.
It would be easy to blame the economic woes that now threaten to engulf Egypt on political uncertainty, corruption and bad policies, but in truth, Egypt's troubles have been a long time in the making.