The U.S. government, under both Democratic and Republican administrations, has operated a foreign policy that is akin to the stereotype of a musclebound bodybuilder with very little upstairs.
Assad is not only an individual who can be replaced by someone else, but he is an indispensable part of the Syrian state; he embodies the domination of Alawite in the political establishment. The removal of Assad from power will be a strong blow to the Syrian government, and a moral boost to the oppositional and rebel groups.
In a world full of surprises -- the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, the weakness in the Chinese economy, the battles within the European Union, the making of the Iran deal, the slide in the American stock market -- one of the greatest surprises of all has been the sudden rebirth of Russian power under Vladimir Putin.
The American response to the Syrian civil war and resulting refugee crisis should illustrate to all the unfortunate militarization of U.S. foreign policy. The nation's anti-militaristic founders -- who blanched at the militarism of European kings -- would be horrified.
No doubt, the bombastic Donald is an unlikely president. Yet what may be most extraordinary about his campaign is that on foreign policy, at least, he may be the most sensible Republican in the race.
Before the agreement officially gained the support it needed to survive on Capitol Hill, Aslan was one of more than seventy Middle East and foreign affairs scholars who sent a letter to Congress urging members to back the deal.
Given its pivotal role in the broader war against the Islamic State, the Anbar Campaign will remain the central focus of Iraqi's military operations for at least the balance of 2015.
Republican presidential candidate Mike Huckabee's August campaign trip to Israel challenged longstanding U.S. policy towards Israel and the Palestinian territories.
The release of another batch of Hillary Clinton emails, courtesy of the State Department, provides an opportunity to glimpse inside the formation of the Obama administration's approach to Iran in the early days of his presidency.
This is far from a perfect agreement, but it is a worthy agreement that represents the best way to prevent Iran from gaining a nuclear weapon, and we would be wise not to walk away from it, especially since there is simply no better alternative arrangement out there.
You don't win foreign peoples to your side by treating them like so many unskilled and tippy children. You don't condescend to them by comparing their efforts to children trying to learn to ride a bike for the first time.
Minute Zero by Todd Moss is a diplomatic thriller set in Zimbabwe. Protagonist Judd Ryker, head of a special unit within the U.S. Department of State, is sent to the troubled country just before a presidential election. An authoritarian is being challenged in his quest to continue in power.
Khamenei holds two stances on the U.S. -- one in private, and one in public -- for the purpose of preserving his legitimacy. When speaking in public, Khamenei's speeches and statements clearly characterize his distrust towards the "Great Satan." Khamenei does this for multiple reasons.
It's impossible to know how these "proto-Islamic polities" will evolve. Unlike the American experience with immigration, however, it is unlikely that they will become socialized into a larger "melting pot" of a national culture.
The U.S. has tried to act as the world's policeman while ignoring the mounting costs, our increasing divergence from allies, the growing ability of regional powers to resist our influence, and the increasing decay of our political institutions at home.
Expressions of populist anger, resentment toward unresponsive government institutions, and deep-seated frustration with "politics as usual" have dominated the rhetoric surrounding the Republican Party's ongoing presidential primary campaign.