We have done remarkably well -- or have been incredibly lucky -- sorting out many of the world's instabilities. Most were colonial matters of the post-Renaissance era. Yes, I am talking in long timelines. As these matters sort themselves out, we Americans enter into uniquely blind territory.
It passed some time since this year's CERAWeek 2014 kicked off in Houston, Texas from March third to seventh. This conference is, in my opinion, one of the best energy conferences I have attended (and I attended many over the last couple of years.)
These are precisely the people who kicked open the sectarian hornets' nest in 2003 when they invaded Iraq and unleashed years of civil war that led to hundreds of thousands of deaths and millions of refugees.
What were/are we training Iraqis for? Should not the training, for a country we knew nothing about but were trying to "save," have been the other way around?
The U.S. had no business invading Iraq. We left behind a vengeance-driven Shiite regime aligned with Iran. Now the sectarian war in Syria is enlarging into a regional one.
India-U.S. economic cooperation needs a lot more energy to grow and nurture. It also needs greater synergy between stakeholders on the two sides.
The Syrian conflict will ultimately end with negotiated power-sharing between the Syrian government, still headed by President Assad, and those elements of the opposition with some popular base inside Syria. This can happen relatively sooner, if America begins basing its Syria policy in on-the-ground reality.
Despite the headlines over the recent Mavi Marmara protests and a Turkish court's arrest orders for the Israeli commanders "responsible" for the incident, Ankara and Jerusalem are tantalizingly close to a comprehensive settlement that would open the door to greater strategic cooperation.
In the introduction to her upcoming book, Hard Choices, Hillary Clinton writes about the challenges she faced as secretary of state -- starting with "the problems we inherited, including two wars and a global financial crisis."
To pick one result, while ignoring this "big picture" is to "miss the forest for the trees." Pointing out a result is as easy as finding a number on a chart. But understanding the meaning of that result is the key to making sense of this or any poll.
Just because right wingers use the words "American exceptionalism" in a jingoistic way--in a way that proclaims American superiority--doesn't mean that anyone who uses those words automatically means the same thing.
Think of Barack Obama's recent return to West Point at graduation time to offer his approach to an increasingly chaotic world as a bookend on an era. George W. Bush went to the Academy in June 2002 and laid out his vision of "preemptive war."
To be blunt, Syria's presidential contest is indeed incredibly insulting to anyone who can legitimately call himself or herself a democrat. Yet the voting that the Syrian National Coalition has called a "blood election" is an integral part of Assad's strategy for the war.
I will be the first to admit that NSA surveillance originally began with good intentions to protect us, but they have gone much too far. Likewise neither the NSA, nor the nation as a whole, have gone far enough to stop the potentially dangerous hacking.
Many worry that a self-reflective and retrenching America is leaving a void in the world's balance of power. But hold your breath, here is Shinzo Abe coming to the rescue. Before the Americans sign their outsourcing contract with Tokyo, they would be well advised to listen carefully to Mr. Abe's Shangri-La speech. In his concluding remarks, he said that the New Japanese are really no different from their parents and grandparents in seeking to contribute to the world. For every Chinese and every Korean, it begs the question: Just who were those grandfathers Mr. Abe was so proudly referring to?
Many presidents in the past have worked within a framework that helped guide all decisions on foreign policy. While at points appearing to try, President Obama has not developed such framework of his own.