By voting "No" with a large margin (61-39 percent), Greek voters demonstrated several important things. First, that they were not easily intimidated. Second, that despite a massive propaganda campaign by what the New York Times described as "the oligarch-dominated news organizations," they were not easily fooled.
PARIS -- Ancient Greek had two words for the people: the "demos" of democracy and the "laos" of the mob. With his puerile call to shift the burden of his own errors and his reluctance to reform onto the shoulders of Greece's fellow Europeans, Tsipras is leaning toward the latter manifestation -- and promoting the worst version of Greek politics.
Although the eurozone is better equipped than it was in the past, it is still a highly imperfect monetary union. In fact, if Greece exits, new vulnerabilities will emerge, and there is no certainty other weak southern periphery economies will actually be protected. This may add to the many reasons for the two parties to reach an agreement this week, allowing Greece to remain in the eurozone. The alternative could be the beginning of the end of the euro.
DUBLIN -- The decisive nature of the No vote should persuade European leaders to set aside their hopes of forcing regime change and to focus their minds on the practical implications of a Grexit. They need to acknowledge something that is widely accepted: that Greece cannot pay back all of the money loaned by Europe. Pushing Greece towards a euro exit is probably the strategy that will ultimately minimize the return of money to the creditors.
Unlike many letters from Congress that are ignored by the executive branch, this one might be taken more seriously by the IMF and the U.S. Treasury department -- which is the IMF's most powerful overseer. One reason is that the IMF has been trying for five years to enact reforms in its governance structure that are very important to the Fund and Treasury -- reforms that can't be enacted unless they are approved by Congress.