To praise Iran's president for his diplomatic successes means forgetting all too easily that the situation within the country has changed little, if at all, since his election.
By its furious act of terror and mass murder, the ruthless beheading machine ISIS (the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham) has linked the Iraqi civil war to the Syrian bloodbath with a plan to establish a medieval caliphate in the desert region between the two countries.
People unfamiliar with Kurds may not see the significance of the Kurdish army taking the Iraqi oil city of Kirkuk, a rich oil city they've long wanted as part of Iraqi Kurdistan.
This week, as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) soldiers pushed into Iraq, seizing cities, U.S.-made war supplies, Central Bank cash and gold bouillon, oil prices jumped to almost $107/barrel.
Instead of a good old-fashioned and simple Our Side vs. Their Side, Good Guys vs. Bad Guys, the Iraq War is one that comprises many layers. They intermingle and overlap, kind of like the multiverse of conflict. Some of this is painted here in quibbly broad strokes, but the core is solid.
Last month, two Saudi Shi'ites received death sentences for allegedly committing crimes that caused no deaths or injuries, marking the harshest punishments issued by Saudi Arabia's government against Shi'ite activists in the Eastern Province since sectarian unrest in 2011.
Before the next round of U.S. negotiations with Iran, why doesn't the U.S. apologize for its unjust 1953 actions? Let's start there. We pat ourselves on the back for spreading the light of liberty. Shouldn't we likewise accept responsibility when we've extinguished it?
What happened in Iraq this week is shocking. The second collapse of the Iraqi army is reminiscent of its first collapse at the hands of former President Saddam Hussein in particular, when he left it in tatters on the roads without informing the army that he had lost the war.
To her credit, Hillary apologizes in her memoir for voting as a member of the U.S. Senate to authorize the invasion of Iraq. Well, some mistakes, like gifts, just keep on giving.
If you are ever lucky enough to tour Tehran, you will not just like, but love, at least one (if not all) of these places.
As they head home from a rare round of bi-lateral talks with Iran in Geneva, it would serve American negotiators well to understand that the muscle behind the Iranian regime simply can't afford to let Rouhani resolve this crisis.
Political differences need to be resolved through an inclusive process within Iraq with the active support of regional players. Neither the region nor the world can afford to underestimate how dangerous the present situation in Iraq has become, virtually overnight, and how vital it is to contain and reverse this threat.
If the weapons were under U.S. supervision, and they were used to shoot down Iranian aircraft, then there would be no question who the ultimate author of the action was: the United States government.
Maliki clearly has no shortage of willing partners to fight ISIS as they advance on the Iraqi capital from the north and west. But whether or not Maliki will muster the political will to organize such a coalition is another story.
Despite the minimal protections for victims of drug use and the Islamic Republic's typical manner of glossing over their domestic problems, Iran spends approximately one billion dollars per year on anti-drug operations.
The economic, geopolitical and strategic ties between Tehran and Moscow have recently been on the rise, particularly after the Crimean crises and since Iranian President Hassan Rouhani participated in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Bishkek.