Apparently, for members of Congress, and the entire rightwing, preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon is of less importance than denying them mutual respect. And, for that, they will trigger a nuclear arms race in the Middle East.
At the very moment that a nuclear deal with Iran is looking closer to reality, Iran is expanding its influence throughout the Middle East. To the Saudis, the Emirates and Israel -- all of whom see Iran as the greatest threat in the region -- this is a disturbing phenomenon.
Eager to champion anyone who speaks out against gays, blacks, women, Hispanics and especially Muslims, these people will point guns at federal officers, write checks to bigoted restaurant owners and vote in extremist politicians who in turn vote for heinous hate legislation like the kind we saw in Indiana.
In its ardor to reach an agreement as a legacy "achievement," the Obama administration's Middle East foreign policy unfortunately seems to be based more on Lewis Carroll than Santayana.
The Iran agreement may go ahead without their approval, but Republicans are playing a dangerous game: once again, they are favoring war over diplomacy.
The coordination amongst the Arab states, U.S. enablers, and local tribesmen is unprecedented in that it represents the first truly Arab-led sustained combined air-ground campaign in modern history. It has demonstrated that the arena of smart power and force projection no longer exclusively belongs to Western military powers.
Between now and the June 30 deadline, the administration has an opportunity to mitigate the damage by enforcing existing executive orders and creating new ones. Some might argue that such a move would anger the Iranians and complicate the nuclear deal. But such a move is well within the administration's legal authorities
Senator Tom Cotton (R-AR) asserted that the United States could destroy Iran's nuclear infrastructure in a several day bombing campaign. Well, if that is true, then why should he get lathered over the Iran Nuclear Agreement Framework?
Even in the best case interpretation of the newly disagreed JCPOA, it is very likely that the deal will not meet the objective of preventing Iran from gaining a nuclear weapon -- and that's without picking apart all of the technical details of the parameters contained in the recent, questionable framework.
Just what kind of blowback the Saudis will experience from their rash decision to strike in Yemen is impossible to know, but it's not hard to guess that, as with Washington's drive through "the gates of hell" in Iraq in 2003, it's unlikely to be whatever that country's rulers are now imagining.
If the United States Congress manages to kill the nuclear deal, international support for the sanctions that have brought Iran to the negotiating table will collapse, and the hardliners in Iran who want a nuclear bomb will be strengthened politically and emboldened to race for a bomb.
In a classic tale of unintended consequences, just about every time Washington has committed another blunder in the Middle East, Iran has stepped in to take advantage.
Iran has been one of Washington's chief antagonists for nearly four decades. But a broad deal to keep Tehran from building nuclear weapons has been reached. Alas, any accord will face significant opposition. Some Americans -- including many Republican members of Congress--fear peace more than war.
What if you looked beyond the images of Iran that flicker past on the nightly news? What if you knew that Iran was the birthplace of the revered Persian poet, Rumi and the first charter of human rights?
The United States understands the language of both immediate and strategic interests, and the Arab leaderships must speak this language fluently in light of the developments, and not with an archaic, rigid language.
When the United States began marathon negotiations with Iran over its nuclear program in the framework of the P5+1 nations, many observers anticipated that the U.S. would begin softening its stance toward Iran as its primary enemy in world politics. But that has not happened.