While the Iraqi military, with some help from Iran and the U.S., may be able to hold on to what is left within its purview, it's hard to see it reclaiming much territory without major foreign interventions. Which could easily backfire, both for Tehran and Washington, the only capitals which might be involved.
Obama has an unprecedented opportunity to be a real peacemaker in Iraq. The wisest course of action is a diplomatic solution that embraces the entire region.
If today's uprising is suppressed without addressing its grievances, and without building a government that represents all of the people equally, it will ensure the death of countless innocent people, destabilizing not only Iraq, but the entire world.
Iran-Brazil volleyball matches, part of FIVB Volleyball World League, held on June 13 and 16 in Azadi Sports Complex in Tehran. In both games, Iranian women were absent in the audience while a few of them, holding national flag, had gathered outside the complex.
Allowing Iraq's vast oil reserves to fall into the hands of the most extreme Muslim terror group in the world is just not good for world stability. Allowing a Killing Fields type of ethnic cleansing of Iraq is not good on pure humanitarian grounds.
It may not have solved everything, but dividing Iraq up at least had the best chance for success. It might have allowed what is happening now to have happened in a more organized fashion, with a lot less violence and death. Or, to put it another way, Joe Biden was right.
The current escalating sectarian violence between the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and Iraqi forces and the unending civil war in Syria are now intertwined and neither can be resolved without the other, which requires a dramatic change in the political and military landscape in Syria and Iraq.
When the Islamic Republic first took control of Iran from the Shah, the new regime decided population growth would be greatly in its advantage. After all, it was faced with a bloody war with neighboring Iraq.
To praise Iran's president for his diplomatic successes means forgetting all too easily that the situation within the country has changed little, if at all, since his election.
By its furious act of terror and mass murder, the ruthless beheading machine ISIS (the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham) has linked the Iraqi civil war to the Syrian bloodbath with a plan to establish a medieval caliphate in the desert region between the two countries.
People unfamiliar with Kurds may not see the significance of the Kurdish army taking the Iraqi oil city of Kirkuk, a rich oil city they've long wanted as part of Iraqi Kurdistan.
This week, as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) soldiers pushed into Iraq, seizing cities, U.S.-made war supplies, Central Bank cash and gold bouillon, oil prices jumped to almost $107/barrel.
Instead of a good old-fashioned and simple Our Side vs. Their Side, Good Guys vs. Bad Guys, the Iraq War is one that comprises many layers. They intermingle and overlap, kind of like the multiverse of conflict. Some of this is painted here in quibbly broad strokes, but the core is solid.
Last month, two Saudi Shi'ites received death sentences for allegedly committing crimes that caused no deaths or injuries, marking the harshest punishments issued by Saudi Arabia's government against Shi'ite activists in the Eastern Province since sectarian unrest in 2011.
Before the next round of U.S. negotiations with Iran, why doesn't the U.S. apologize for its unjust 1953 actions? Let's start there. We pat ourselves on the back for spreading the light of liberty. Shouldn't we likewise accept responsibility when we've extinguished it?
What happened in Iraq this week is shocking. The second collapse of the Iraqi army is reminiscent of its first collapse at the hands of former President Saddam Hussein in particular, when he left it in tatters on the roads without informing the army that he had lost the war.