When a Palestinian Christian says, "If the only choice is between violent resistance to the Occupation or submission, you must understand that for us, submission is not an option," it needs to be heard not as a threat or ultimatum, but as a plea.
The following conversation between Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (Bibi) and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) is fictitious.
JABALYA Refugee Camp, Northern Gaza -- Children that are left behind are usually taken on by extended family members, but the scars prove hard to heal. The trauma of losing a limb, or a loved one, is likely to endure long after the smell of explosives and decomposing bodies begins to fade.
Dr. Imad Abu Kishek, the President of Al-Quds University, sat across from me as we celebrated Iftar, Ramadan's nightly break-fast meal. The table was full of students and faculty from Brandeis and Al-Quds, all of whom share a common goal: to reestablish the partnership between our schools.
The Gaza Strip is among the most densely populated areas in the world, and the 1.8 million Palestinian residents suffer from economy-crippling mobility restrictions. They survived an exceptionally cold winter, in which at least four babies died of exposure, and are now enduring a summer of record-breaking heat.
The enduring impasse between Israel and the Palestinians in the peace negotiations and their changing internal political dynamics has made it impossible for them to resolve the conflict on their own.
So many see our situation in Palestine and Israel as hopeless, impossible, and quite frankly unsolvable. We who live here, who care about the safety of our children, cannot afford to become immune and wait for somebody else to take care of them and their safety.
The prospective Israeli-Hamas truce presents a momentous opportunity, albeit in disguise, for all parties concerned to turn a new page in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and change its geopolitical and security dynamics, which succeeding Israeli and Palestinian governments could build on.
The violence that has rocked the Middle East since 2011 has largely bypassed Arabs in Israel. Had they risen up they could have cited many causes: job discrimination, racism, an alien national anthem, minimal state funding for education and social services and low income.
Padraig O'Malley's idea that both Israelis and Palestinians are so addicted to their meaning-systems ("narratives") that they are willing to slide into a chaotic abyss is chilling, but seems strongly supported by recent history and current facts.
Netanyahu and his coalition know they're losing the American Jewish community, and they are very aware they're losing the rest of the world as well. The possibility of a UN effort to resolve the conflict has never been greater, nor has the American willingness to pursue it.
Israel and Palestine are playing political soccer with Palestinian football as the ball. It is a match which Israel is unlikely to win and that could prove to produce a bruising loss.
Jewish and Palestinian women have begun a joint series of twenty-five-hour and fifty-hour to persuade political leaders to find a nonviolent solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
The whole experience was a reminder that everyone is part of the problem -- not only the so-called politicians whom we too often blame for their lack of leadership. The roadblocks and the bridges lie in people's hearts, minds, and the stories that we tell.
Israeli leaders have condemned the firebombing as an act of terrorism and are keen to stop elements of the underground from threatening the fabric of Israeli society by escalating Israeli-Palestinian tensions.
I am ashamed. And I am not alone. The vast majority of Israeli society stood shoulder to shoulder this past weekend, wholeheartedly condemning the barbaric violence, from right to left, from political leadership to the common people.