Sixty-eight years ago, following the recommendation of a decisive majority of the 11-member United Nations Special Committee on Palestine, the UN General Assembly met to consider Resolution 181. The measure called for the creation of independent Arab and Jewish states in the land west of the Jordan River
The government, which has made slow but important progress in guaranteeing media freedoms, took a turn backwards.
If MENA countries want to effectively battle the sale of their history to the highest bidder, they are going about it wrong and largely going about it alone. This is a regional crisis requiring regional solutions.
Peace talks that are dominated by American voices, Russian voices, Iranian voices, Saudi voices, may provide the opportunity for a de-escalation and perhaps some kind of ceasefire, but without greater involvement of Syrian society, the talks cannot bring lasting peace.
The spate of knifings of Israelis, especially in East Jerusalem, the West Bank and parts of Israel, has inevitably led to a question of whether a third intifada is imminent. Perhaps surprisingly another intifada is unlikely when we look at the regional actors, their views and capabilities.
In a time of entrenched conflicts and historically low oil prices, the challenges for policymakers throughout the region are steep. But that only makes finding the political will to move forward with the right reforms all the more important.
In all the years of Israel's existence with Palestinians nothing has prepared Israelis for this latest outburst of lone "kid wolf" Palestinian terror. Decades of shootings, missile strikes, bombings, kidnappings, and stonings, give way to the latest Palestinian weapon of terror, the kitchen knife.
Nearly 80,000 of the Syrians who have escaped the deadly war raging in their country have sought shelter at Jordan's largest refugee camp, Za'atari, where UN Women provides economic empowerment and protection programming for women and girls.
Theeb by Naji Abu Nowar is this year's Jordanian entry to the Academy Awards, and if instinct serves me right, it will be among the final five.
The continued refusal of the Obama administration to sanction the sale of Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAVs) aircraft to Jordan provides a kind of window into the confusion and incoherence of U.S. policy in the Middle East.
Spending the past months reading op-eds, attending UN panel sessions, and engaging in conversations, a reoccurring theme whether in news print or verbalized, had left me unsettled. The new found debate on a country's morality in regards to the Syrian refugee crisis.
President Bush is most responsible for the ISIS deluge. The Obama administration has played a malign, but secondary, role. Like its predecessor, it also intervened too much rather than too little. For instance, President Obama continued to back Iraq's Maliki government despite the latter's sectarian excesses.
It was a headline week for the protection of cultural heritage. When leaders from more than 160 countries gathered in New York City last week, a main topic of discussion for the attending heads of state was how to combat the growing strength of violent extremist groups in the Middle East.
Today, the Middle East is witnessing a large-scale population transfer, the third major one in the region over the last century. Religion and ethnicity play a significant role in the displacement. But ideology also has a hand in it.
Supporting Syrians' livelihoods is not a step towards full local integration, but part of an interim strategy to benefit economies and lives of the millions of people trying to escape Syria's civil war.
This catastrophic funding crisis risks condemning generations of refugees to live in camps indefinitely. If the GCC could match aid for Syrians to the economic assistance it donates to friendly governments, the impact could be huge.