The erroneous analysis represents a safe refrain that's been repeated by journalists for years, as they've collectively convinced themselves that Obama's culpable for the radical Republican obstruction that partly defined his two terms.
A president-elect who has refused for nearly 170 days to hold a press conference and who has essentially closed off all meaningful access to political reporters -- while constantly publicly denigrating journalists -- doesn't deserve to be rewarded with off-the-record bull sessions.
Conversely, what if the new Apprentice turns into a ratings behemoth? Will NBC News think twice about airing a blockbuster scandal report about Trump corruption, for instance, knowing it could damage a key NBC primetime asset?
The process by which the media continue to normalize President-elect Donald Trump and the extreme elements that now define his pending administration is achieved story-by-story, headline-by-headline, and even adjective-by-adjective.
For the entire year, the networks have devoted zero minutes to in-depth policy discussions of climate change, drugs, poverty, guns, infrastructure, social injustice, or the deficit. But they dedicated 125 minutes to Clinton emails.
Any general fear Clinton might have that reporters tend to gorge on GOP talking points while presenting a slanted view of breaking news about her was certainly confirmed by the initial wave of wild and irresponsible Comey email coverage last week.
As Donald Trump's three-ring circus-style campaign of misinformation winds down, one of the lingering questions is whether the press has helped normalize the kind of post-truth performance that the Republican presidential nominee has so enthusiastically embraced.
Why does there remain a small, but obviously powerful pocket within the Republican Party, or at least within the Trump campaign and within the fringe confines of the conservative media, that sees this topic as the Most Important Issue Facing America?
Obviously, both general election candidates have been the subject of never-ending campaign coverage. But when it comes to spotlighting and understanding their supporters, journalists seem far more keyed in on Republicans in terms of time and attention.
The shows could have spent time examining the unflattering examples of Donald Trump caught telling lies about Sept. 11, exaggerating about 9/11 and just being wildly inappropriate while discussing Sept. 11. But the Sunday shows didn't do that this week.
Journalism is often about priorities. The act of news gathering and storytelling is more than assembling facts and quotes and providing context. It's also about deciding what's important and specifically which stories are more newsworthy than others.
Trump's campaign and his media allies are increasingly embracing the dead-end view of right-wing politics where violence is justified to right a perceived wrong -- where violent political action might need to be taken by private citizens to curb a dangerously powerful federal government.
Rush Limbaugh's radio business model has been cracked and broken for several years. News this week of his four-year contract extension does little to repair those fractures, but does raise the specter of his eventual departure from the AM dial.
All In With Chris Hayes (MSNBC) hosted a series looking at how climate change is impacting Americans from Alaska to Florida. Hayes has consistently been on the cutting-edge of bringing environmental stories to his audience.
Ailes' brand of hatred and paranoia, once a small, ugly part of the GOP appeal, is now synonymous with the Republican Party thanks to its nomination of Trump, who rose to birther fame among conservatives via Ailes' open door policy in 2011.
For Beltway journalists, the turf battle at the center of the email kerfuffle represented a bonanza of news possibilities and months, if not years, of dubious spinning, with the prevailing storyline always being the same: This is really bad for Hillary Clinton.