Monetary blinders Neither stock markets nor oil prices have responded strongly to geopolitical unrest. On the contrary, recently stock indices have b...
Today's New York Times carried an in-depth article about one of the myriad supporters of extremist Islam ("Qatar's Support of Extremists Alienates Al...
We can, with our technology, our material and our enviable financial position, intervene on the right side. We can fight the aggressors, the fascists, and rescue Iraq from the scourge of Islamist violence. But this is only possible in coalition, in alliance. Leaving the Kurds to fight the Islamic State alone is immoral; abandoning Iraq is equally bad; and letting the United States shoulder the burdens of internationalism alone fails the very definition of the term.
Let there be no doubt that those who commit such horrific acts in the name of the "Islamic State" or Islam will be judged by the Muslim community of BiH (traditionally also Sunni) as violating Islamic values as well as inconsistent with our experience.
King Carl XVI Gustaf walked down the aisle with the Rev. Dr. Antje Jackelen, Archbishop of the Church of Sweden. We opened the prayer service for peac...
Beyond the broader social, political, and cultural forces that drive such insanity, there are some unique aspects of adolescent development that can account for this cutting-edge trend.
Obama's caution about jumping into the Syrian civil war seems tacitly to acknowledge that the intervention went awry. So how should it affect the conduct of the campaign against ISIS?
A case can be made that Al Qaeda is more potent now than it was when led by Osama bin Laden.
The first U.S. foreign policy problem is obvious: it's not working. We've been unable to bring democratic stability to the Middle East. The second problem is that Washington politicians are unwilling to explain why our foreign policy isn't working.
Unless President Obama pulls back quickly, his administration risks becoming absorbed in another interminable, unnecessary war in Mesopotamia with unpredictable but almost certainly negative consequences.
If British foreign policy in the Muslim world can be seriously revised, and a genuine effort by the government not to modify Islam by funding embarrassingly unpopular 'Muslim' think-tanks and self-professed scholars, only then can Britain, as a nation, begin to work towards a practical solution in tackling extremism.
Citing the precise and shocking figure of 191,369 known killings over three years, High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay condemned the Security Council's inaction in unusually strong language.
We have every reason to be concerned with the fate of the Christian communities of the Arab World. What is at stake is not just the survival of these important minorities; it is the future of the region, itself. Violent extremist groups like ISIS and their kin, pose an existential challenge not only to Christians, but to all Arabs and Muslims.
It's trendy to blame the Islamic State on Saudi Arabia - either the shifty House of Saud turning a blind eye to crazed Sunni extremists wiring money up to Mosul, or directly backing the group as part of their nefarious plan for world domination. Neither theory makes much sense.
At the start of classes one year ago, I was having to explain to my students why the United States appeared to be on the verge of going to war against the Syrian government. At the beginning of this semester, exactly one year later, I'm having to explain to my students why the United States may be on the verge of going to war against Syrian rebels.
The world's strongest military bombing terrorists back to the Stone Age isn't a strategy. And it isn't foreign policy. It's the kind of macho rhetoric that got us here in the first place.