If the slaughter of over 1,000 Iraqi soldiers, 700 Syrian tribesmen, and the potential massacre of tens of thousands of Yazidis did not awake Americans the world over to the threat that the Islamic State poses to their way of life, then perhaps James Foley's death will serve that purpose.
The U.S. has ensured that ISIS can reinforce its fighters in Iraq from Syria and vice versa. So far, Washington has been successful in escaping blame for the rise of ISIS by putting all the blame on the Iraqi government. In fact, it has created a situation in which ISIS can survive and may well flourish.
From the crucible of the Great War that was sprinting towards a full boil 100 years ago this month, these chapters, taken together, illuminate how that war continues to shape not only our world in a lofty, conceptual way, but in today's headlines.
That Senate report on CIA interrogation techniques was supposed to be released by now. But some people would rather keep the details to themselves.
Four months after defense lawyers first told a Guantanamo military commission that they'd learned the FBI was spying on their colleagues, it remains unclear who or what the FBI was investigating. What is clear is that it will continue to delay progress in the case of the five men accused of masterminding the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.
After unexpectedly deciding to split the 9/11 case into two trials last month, a military commission judge reversed himself and decided on Wednesday to put the severed case back together again. At least for now.
In the case of the Islamic State, the question we need to ask is: What can we do to make things right? What can we do to protect the vulnerable? What can we do to stop the violence?
It remains to be seen how involved the U.S. will get in this latest war in Iraq, and the price tag that will come with it. But the uncertainties of costly new wars makes it even more important that we clean up the mess of the old one.
Generally speaking, its powers and prerogatives remain beyond constraint by that third branch of government, the non-secret judiciary. It is deferred to with remarkable frequency by the executive branch and, with the rarest of exceptions, it has been supported handsomely with much obeisance and few doubts by Congress.
Counter insurgency has been at the heart of the "war on terror." It has failed -- in Iraq and in Afghanistan. The main reasons are readily identifiable. Some are generic; others specific to time and place.
Looking back on the violations of justice that characterized British rule in pre-Constitutional America, it is easy to see the Founders' intent in creating the Fifth Amendment. A government's ability to inflict harm on its people, whether by taking their lives, imprisoning them, or confiscating their property, was to be checked by due process.
As we dig into our vocabularies to express our outrage, sadness, and fear, we must bear in mind the consequences of how we conduct our dialogue.
The White House iftar is a slap in the face to those in the Muslim community who have been victims of U.S. civil-rights and human-rights abuses. It is an attempt by administration after administration to whitewash the crimes of the U.S. government against Muslims.
Ever since the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) began their recent offensive in Iraq, anxieties about the potential of something similar taking place in Afghanistan have abounded. Yet many have missed a crucial piece of the puzzle.
Thirteen years later, the American public is very sick and tired of war; but for Cheney, it's just getting started.
The mainstream media cover bits and pieces of the destruction as pumped-up entertainment, with the Iraqis and everyone else trapped in the planet's various International Hot Spots remaining abstractions and curiosities. This is journalistic malfeasance of the highest order.