After 11 consecutive losses, Hillary Clinton renewed her efforts to win the March 4 primaries by declaring, "It's time to get real about how we actually win this election." It would be all too easy to mock her sentiment. Clinton's call to "move from good words to good works, from sound bites to sound solutions" smacked of an effort to spout some good words that would make for a good sound bite. Her criticism of Barack Obama for offering nothing more than "change you can Xerox" came across as a canned line fed to her by a campaign operative. And as Clinton desperately searched for a winning tactic, we were left wondering whether the "real" Hillary was the one proclaiming she was "honored" to share the stage with Obama or the one two days later shouting "Shame on you, Barack Obama!"
Yet, if you look closely, the real Hillary has been there all along. Her most consistent trait has been her total allegiance to the niche-marketing and service-delivery model of politics fashioned by her key strategist Mark Penn. As I was preparing this column, Arianna published her analysis detailing how Obama's emphasis on big ideas has tapped into the voters' desire for "real change," upending Penn's "microtrend" approach. Building upon her insights, I want to highlight how Clinton and Obama represent two very different visions of change and how they symbolize two dramatically different directions for the future of American politics.
We first need to understand who Mark Penn is and where he came from. As a strategist, he has been as pivotal to Hillary as Karl Rove was to George W. Bush. Penn became Bill Clinton's PR strategist in the wake of the Monica Lewinsky scandal and has been at the forefront of Hillary's campaigns since her 2000 Senate race. Promotional materials for his book Microtrends note that "Mark Penn was dubbed the most powerful man in Washington you've never heard of by The Washington Post."
But Penn established his reputation first within corporate America, where he is still one of the most highly sought out consultants in the business. Among his impressive roster of clients, he counts Microsoft, Texaco, and Monsanto. (Indeed, he has continued working for his corporate clients while billing the Clinton campaign for millions.) Penn is the CEO of Burson-Marsteller, an international PR giant that purchased the firm Penn launched as a Harvard undergrad in 1975. The company's website boasts that "Mark has been called 'Master of the Message' by Time Magazine; 'The king of polls' by the London Times; and an 'incandescent intellect' by the New York Times." Writing for the Nation in May 2007, Ari Berman noted that "Penn invented the concept of 'inoculation,' in which corporations are shielded from scandal through clever advertising and marketing."
The description to Penn's book lays out the basic "microtrend" premise at the core of his marketing strategy: "The nation is no longer a melting pot. We are a collection of communities with many individual tastes and lifestyles. Those who recognize these emerging groups will prosper." Penn's ability to effectively measure consumer wants and meet consumer needs in a highly specialized manner has enriched the coffers of companies like AT&T. Generating mountains of poll data to support his assertions, Penn is convinced that politicians must employ a similar niche-marketing strategy. As he told the New York Times during Hillary's 2000 campaign, "We have this Balkanization of issues right now, where there's no single dominant issue. So in a lot of ways you reach people in little slices."
Despite all the tumultuous events that have since taken place -- the contested 2000 election, 9/11, the war in Iraq, Abu Ghraib, the global consensus on climate change, the threat to civil liberties, and so on -- Penn continued to believe that voters were primarily driven by their idiosyncratic set of self-interests. Thus, the Washington Post noted in an April 2007 feature on Penn, "Penn's theory of the 2008 race has always been that after two tumultuous terms under Bush, the electorate will want change -- but not too much change. Clinton offers a perfect mix, Penn believes. She inherently represents change, as a woman, without being unfamiliar or untested, thanks to her many years in Washington."
It is not hard to see how a banal campaign emphasizing "experience" and "inevitability" ensued -- and why it was so blindsided by Barack Obama. Still, Clinton has continued to push forward with her service-delivery message. If it has accomplished little else, her refusal to step aside has given voters more opportunities to see the stark choice in front of them. "Others might be joining a movement," Hillary recently told Ohio voters. "I'm joining you on the night shift, on the day shift." Underlying her comments is an absurd premise: that working-class people seeking dignity and security have no desire or necessity to participate in a social movement.
Meanwhile, Barack Obama has been reminding voters that meaningful change can only come from below and only then if people are willing to struggle, sacrifice, and search for common ground. His vision of active citizenship runs directly counter to Clinton's passive image of voters dependent on politicians to deliver "solutions." As Obama stressed in his first electoral run in 1995, office seekers should not view "voters or communities as consumers, as mere recipients or beneficiaries of this change." Instead, he stated, "It's time for politicians and other leaders to take the next step and to see voters, residents, or citizens as producers of this change. The thrust of our organizing must be on how to make them productive, how to make them employable, how to build our human capital, how to create businesses, institutions, banks, safe public spaces -- the whole agenda of creating productive communities. That is where our future lies."
Against a typical field of mainstream Democrats, Hillary might have won handily, and we'd now be hailing the wisdom of Penn's poll-tested strategy. However, Obama's campaign has tapped into the unmet desires of millions of Americans for a more authentic and visionary politics -- one in tune with the deep national and global crises we are challenged to address in our lifetimes. To understand why we need to look past the hype and hoopla that normally defines mainstream political coverage.
Paul Ray is a very different kind of researcher than Mark Penn. Seeking to understand the values that Americans hold most dear, Ray's work digs below the superficial consumer attitudes that are the staple of Penn's corporate and political consulting. As Ray remarks on his website, "most of the surveys you hear about study only opinions that are very transitory, while values are slow changing and very deep."
This deeper study of values has revealed something quite astonishing: 36 percent of the population and 45 percent of likely voters are what Ray calls "New Progressives." They constitute the largest values-defined bloc in America followed in order by social conservatives, big business conservatives, and New Deal liberals.
Who are the "New Progressives"? Ray elaborated in a 2002 article for YES! magazine: "These 'New Progressives' are not 'the center' or mushy middle of Clinton lore. They tend to oppose corporate globalization and big business interests, and favor ecological sustainability, women's issues, consciousness issues, national health care, national education, and an emerging concern for the planet and the future of our children and grandchildren on it." (It seems likely that the percentage of "New Progressives" is even higher today.)
Such findings help to put into context the media pundits continued astonishment that "conventional wisdom" is being thrown out the window in 2008. They especially help us to understand how and why reality is changing right before our eyes. First, the "New Progressives" defy older categorizations of Left and Right. Second, while they may line up in varying degrees behind Democrats or Republicans, their more common concern is that our political system is broken and failing to address fundamental concerns. Although the "New Progressives" share overlapping values, they have yet to find common cause in electoral politics. That is why the as a collective grouping they are "nearly invisible in the mainstream press."
However, Ray stresses, "If the New Progressives were mobilized under a single political tent, they could replace one of the political parties and dominate American politics for the next generation or more." That sounds like change you can believe in.
Scott Kurashige is the author of The Shifting Grounds of Race: Black and Japanese Americans in the Making of Multiethnic Los Angeles (Princeton University Press). He is an associate professor of History, American Culture, and Asian/Pacific Islander American Studies at the University of Michigan.
Posted March 2, 2008 | 04:30 PM (EST)