By Spencer P. Boyer and Carolyn Kay White
French President Nicolas Sarkozy's visit to Washington this week showcased the new and improved Franco-American relationship, which began with Sarkozy's election in May. While Sarkozy has already stirred things up in France through his efforts to jumpstart a sluggish economy, scrap outdated labor practices, and restrict immigration, he has also challenged the status quo by making strong Franco-American relations a top priority again. Gone are the icy stares that characterized the relationship during the lead up to war in Iraq, with Sarkozy telling an enthusiastic joint session of Congress on Wednesday that "America can count on France" again. What's driving this new found friendship?
To begin to understand the warming of the Franco-American alliance, one has to start with Sarkozy the man. He defies easy categorization, with a political philosophy, policy agenda, and style that are altogether different than what the French public has come to expect. He's brash and hyperactive, often drawing comparisons to Bonaparte. He's more pragmatic than ideological, cares more about politics than policy, and is willing to take on France's powerful unions by pushing to overhaul the generous French welfare state. He's also an unabashed admirer of U.S. history and culture, adoring American celebrities such as Ernest Hemingway and Sylvester Stallone.
As opposed to the unrealistic goal of positioning France as a global counterweight to the United States, as his predecessor Jacques Chirac was prone to do, Sarkozy does not fear agreement with U.S. policy objectives - but not at the expense of France's national interests. While he has stated that "France will always be by [America's] side when they need her," he also believes that "friendship is ... accepting [of] the fact that friends can think differently."
His pragmatic world view sees the benefit of burying the hatchet with the United States and working cooperatively on international security issues that affect France, such as Iran's nuclear ambitions, Syrian meddling in Lebanon, and the war in Afghanistan. But Sarkozy has also made clear that the U.S. should not expect the French leader to be another Tony Blair, supporting U.S. foreign policy efforts without question. Sarkozy has been particularly hard on the United States for its failure to take the lead on climate change and for not getting a grip on the declining dollar.
On the U.S. side, President Bush is eager to end his presidency with some friends in the world. Scheduling visits with both Sarkozy and German Chancellor Angela Merkel in the same week was no accident. Neither was holding a press conference in Mount Vernon to commemorate Franco-American ties dating back to Revolutionary times. This week was heavy on symbolism at many levels. Focusing on newly elected Western European leaders as a foothold for improved transatlantic relations is a logical step for the United States after the fallout from our decision to go to war with Iraq without the backing of most of our European allies.
Bush also needs to reconcile with France and the rest of "Old Europe" in order to increase U.S. chances of success on a range of international security challenges, especially as related to Iran, Afghanistan, and the struggle against global terrorist networks. It was music to Bush's ears to hear Sarkozy say this week that "France will remain engaged in Afghanistan for as long as it takes, because what is at stake in that country is the very future of our values and that of the Atlantic alliance."
In the end, this new Franco-American relationship makes imminent sense. There's far more to gain than to lose with closer cooperation. As long as the Bush administration actually takes to heart the notion that allies can respectfully disagree occasionally and still be allies, and the Sarkozy administration resists the historical urge to oppose a position solely because the United States is for it, we should be in good shape.
Spencer P. Boyer is Director of International Law and Diplomacy at the Center for American Progress, a Washington-based think tank
Carolyn Kay White is a Researcher at the Center for American Progress
