As much as some U.S. policymakers and most American experts detest diplomacy with Pyongyang, they now face a pressing issue that has upended their earlier calculations. The U.S. must rely on diplomacy once again.

Increased Japanese transparency about its nuclear history and the public discussion it has triggered should not be a cause for alarm. They are welcome developments that are likely to solidify Japan's long-standing and well-considered opposition to developing nuclear weapons.

As the drumbeats for war on Iran increase, we who espouse effective, security-enhancing, non-military conflict resolution options must not be similarly ignored. It is time that our leaders and our media also put these options on the table.

Many historians argue that the bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki were a turning point in mankind's history, events that marked the beginning of humanity's ability to instantly self-annihilate.

Kazakhstan is marking a special anniversary. Twenty years ago, the soon-to-be independent Soviet state closed the infamous Semipalatinsk nuclear testing site and provided fresh impetus to the still-incomplete campaign to ban atomic weapons.

In its inability to signal a true commitment to nuclear disarmament, virtual deterrence is hardly ideal. But it sounds like a step in the right direction, right? Wrong.

In a cruel joke at a time of supposed disarmament, the CMRR promises to be the most expensive construction project in the history of Los Alamos.

Israel has been a net beneficiary of its policy of nuclear ambiguity, but whether Israel will be able to maintain a balance between its security and foreign policy objectives remains to be seen.

A Libya with nuclear weapons would have presented an entirely different and dangerous challenge to the current coalition. Most likely it would have blocked it.

War should be a last resort. In Libya, President Obama has made it his first choice.

The light shining on the safety of nuclear energy as a result of the Japanese nuclear crisis has been of such powerful wattage that it's even flushing safety issues with nuclear weapons labs and manufacturing facilities out of hiding.

As a free Egypt transforms itself, analysts are nervously watching for signs of new nuclear ambitions. Why has Egypt never come clean about the full scope of its nuclear activities and experimentation?

We're under the gun: we need to make use of the nuclear taboo as a springboard to disarmament before its expiration date. But there exists another nuclear taboo against discussing the destruction caused by nuclear weapons.

Nuclear nonproliferation goals must be placed above short-term financial and political preferences. The uncertainties of revolution and the dangers of proliferation demand nothing less.

No matter the short term benefits to security, when the West severs the ties that bind disarmament to nonproliferation, it further undermines the trust of the developing world and long-term prospects for international security.

Japan is making a statement -- conditioning the further development of India's nuclear power industry on certain demonstrable nonproliferation commitments.