Both sides of the abortion debate supported health care reform that preserved current policies for federal support. But how do we define abortion neutrality where federal precedent doesn't exist?
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We have an endemic problem: the inexplicable adoption by Democrats of Bush-era policies and political tactics. Wasn't the point of regaining power to undo the worst of Bush's excesses?
President Obama would like to get something passed for health care reform and then start negotiating in a House-Senate conference committee, the Senat...
The fight over health care reform is indeed a moral battle. No longer an issue of statistics and parliamentary maneuvers, it's moved to a higher level.
Misinformation and angry mobs are not how democracy functions. Freedom of speech and assembly are certainly our rights, but they must be exercised with responsibility and accountability.
Health care reform hangs in the balance at the same time we learn that nine banks, all recipients of federal bailout support, paid an astounding $33 billion in bonuses in 2008.
Progressives were outraged when the Bush administration banned Medicare from negotiating for lower drug prices. It's time for outrage when the Obama administration does the same.
Since health care won't be decided at the popular ballot box, we can't just wait for the public to recognize the reality behind this nutty minority.
You cannot win any political campaign without connecting to people's emotions. Americans split pretty evenly over health care reform, so whoever taps into these emotions will win.
We are often like manatees, unwilling or unable to defend ourselves. Maybe progressives are in fact angry. What's unclear is when we'll start doing something about it.
I don't consider Ambinder to be a right-wing shill. He's giving sincere analysis, as he always does. Just in this case, he's wrong.
Defenders of the status quo seem unable to see the big health insurance bubble for what it is: an unsustainable, out-of-control behemoth headed for a huge collision.
Ultimately, Democrats will succeed in passing health care reform because the risks of failure are too high.
Weeks ago, I cautioned that the White House was in perpetual campaign mode. Therein lies the problem. The August health care battle isn't the presidential campaign.
I know to be effective helping the president pass national health care at long last -- which I strongly support -- it would help a little if I understood a little more.
Huffington Post blogger Matt Warmowski asked an important question about healthcare reform last week: Where are the Christians in this debate?
What supporters of the public option most need is a clear line of argument. That line of argument is rooted in the fact that the vast majority of Americans think Medicare is great.
Even if we insure more people, as President Obama hopes to, a fragmented, profit-oriented system simply cannot yield the most efficient use of health outlays.
After all the health care reform pushing and shoving, threats and counter-threats, deals and counter-deals, after all the negotiating back and forth: so far, so good.
I have a sinking feeling that by the time the Senate has its turn, the public option will resemble a poor combination of Medicare and Medicaid.
From the start of his presidency, Barack Obama made clear that his plan for enacting comprehensive health-care reform came down to three words: fast, ...
Last night, the Energy and Commerce Committee voted 31-28 to approve a compromise version of the Democrats' health care reform bill. As the Energy and...
Obama's former campaign arm, Organizing for America, is targeting districts of Blue Dog Dems reluctant to support health care reform with old-fashioned, on-the-ground operations.
The health care bill is 1,000+ pages. As long as the Old and New Testaments, with a few centuries of The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire tacked on.
One thing is absolutely clear from what has happened over the last week in the health care debate: fundamental change has not come to Washington, D.C.
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