The Colonial Nature of African Dictatorships

The Colonial Nature of African Dictatorships
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Gnassingbé Eyadéma

Gnassingbé Eyadéma

In writing about Forbes Burnham’s dictatorial regime in Guyana, Walter Rodney explained: “Hitler had a mad wish to rule the world. For this reason, he is generally described as a megalomaniac. Hitler’s megalomania was backed by the powerful German economy and the might of the German army. Burnham’s megalomania is closer to comedy and farce. It takes the form of wearing a General’s uniform and hoping that the army will conquer his own people.” Walter Rodney was describing the dictatorship of Burnham in Guyana and his description could just as easily be applied to African dictators as well. These are dictators who rule over small and impoverished countries, and often resort to using military force to subdue their own people. These are dictators like Faure Gnassingbé of Togo.

The type of dictatorships that we have seen in post-colonial Africa actually bears little resemblance to the type of institutions that existed in Africa prior to colonialism. Democratic traditions and limiting the powers of rulers are not new to Africa’s political tradition. In Gold Coast Native Institutions: With Thoughts Upon a Healthy Imperial Policy for the Gold Coast and Ashanti, Joseph Casely Hayford pointed out that in the political tradition of the Gold Coast (present day Ghana) rulers were elected by a council. That same council could also depose the ruler if they found just cause for doing so. They would bring their charges against the ruler and the ruler was given the ability to appeal those charges. If he was found guilty then he would be removed from power. In the Oyo Empire which is located in present day Nigeria, the ruling king was made to commit suicide if he displeased the Oyo-mesi. The Oyo-mesi was a council made up of elders and their purpose was to check the power of the ruling king. In the West African kingdom of Futa Jallon, rulers were elected into power and were only allowed to rule for a limited time, although they could be removed by a council of elders before their term was over. In The Destruction of Black Civilization, Chancellor Williams recounts the story of some European explores who were outraged that the king made them wait two weeks before they could have an audience with him. The problem was that this particular African ruler needed to permission of the council of elders before he could meet with foreigners. African monarchs were not granted unrestrained power.

These systems of checks and balances were replaced by the repressive colonial system which often violently suppressed the voices of African people. It was common for colonial regimes to imprison and brutalize those who spoke up against colonialism. In some cases the colonizers outright massacred protesters. One example of this was in Nigeria during a 1929 protest that was led by women. The British colonizers in Nigeria responded to this protest by opening fire on the unarmed protesting women, killing about 50 of them. This is the kind of thing that we still see today in places like Togo where the military opens fire on unarmed protesters. One of the challenges that Africa has faced since independence is a lack of democratic political institutions which stems from the fact that many African nations merely adopted the system that was left behind by the former colonial powers. As Julius Nyerere, who was the first president of Tanzania, explained: “In practice, colonialism, with its implications of racial superiority, was replaced by a combination of neo-colonialism and government by local elites who too often had learned to despise their own African traditions and the mass of the people who worked on the land.”

The other challenge that Africa confronts in regard to dictatorships is that these dictators have received full support from Western countries. Take Togo for example. Gnassingbé Eyadema came to power in a military coup and ruled over a repressive regime. Despite this, he enjoyed the support of France. Eyadema was described by French President Jacques Chirac as being “a close personal friend of mine and of France.” His son Faure has continued his father’s repressive regime and has likewise received the same support from France. Other dictators in Africa that have enjoyed the support of France include Mobutu Sese Seko, Idriss Déby, Blaise Compaoré and Jean-Bédel Bokassa. Bokassa is particularly interesting because France helped to install him as the dictator of the Central African Republic, but he was such an erratic dictator that France had to intervene again to remove him.

During the days of colonialism the French were very deliberate in their attempts to use colonial education to indoctrinate African people and to create a class of Africans who served French interests. Henry Simon, who served as the Colonial Minister outlined a program for secondary education that was designed for “making the best indigenous elements into complete Frenchmen.” Many of the former French colonies in Africa have been run by these French indoctrinated Africans. These are Africans who serve the interests of their French masters at the expense of their own African people. Leon M’ba, who was the first president of Gabon, typified these French indoctrinated leaders. M’ba once declared that every Gabonese had two fatherlands; Gabon and France.

Many have described the present day political situation in Africa as neo-colonialism because despite being political independent the same colonial structure exists in which Western countries profit from the exploitation of Africa’s resources and Africa’s people. This is why Kwame Nkrumah wrote: “Neo-colonialism is…the worst form of imperialism. For those who practice it, it means power without responsibility, and for those who suffer from it, it means exploitation without redress. In the days of old fashioned colonialism, the imperial power had at least to explain and justify at home the actions it was taking abroad. In the colony, those who served the ruling imperial power could at least look to its protection against any violent move by their opponents. With neo-colonialism, neither is the case.” It is for this reason that the struggle against dictatorships and poor governance in Africa is a struggle against one of the last remaining vestiges of colonial rule. Many have fought and died to achieve political independence from the former colonizers, but this struggle still remains an unfinished one as long as the neo-colonial leadership remains in power in Africa.

Dwayne is the author of several books on the history and experiences of African people, both on the continent and in the diaspora. His books are available through Amazon. You can also follow Dwayne on Facebook.

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