The last time I communicated with Benazir Bhutto was via e-mail in October after the first attempt on her life when she returned to Pakistan to fight the free elections which General Musharraf had promised.
She escaped unscathed on that occasion, although hundreds of her supporters did not. I wrote to Benazir (or Bibi as she preferred to be known informally) scarcely knowing whether the message of support would even reach her amid such turmoil, let alone expecting a reply - and such a swift one at that.
"Thanks a million for writing to me," she had typed. "It's been quite terrible. Hope u [sic] come back and we visit again here."
I'm not sure whether "here" was Dubai, where we had met on the first occasion, or London (the location of our second meeting, this summer, when she held a sort of salon of old and new friends in a safe house in the West End); or, indeed, Pakistan which I had hoped to revisit at some point in the future with Benazir back in power. The extraordinary thing is not what she wrote, but that she had found the time and had the courtesy to do it.
Our friendly relations were not neccessarily expected after our four-hour interview at her home in exile in Dubai in the spring. Of course, I had admired and respected her in advance of meeting her and was riveted by the part she could play in shaping Pakistan's future at such a critical moment in its troubled history.
Although the corruption charges that plagued her were not insignificant they seemed far less crucial than the political impact she could make on a country that was at the forefront of her mind throughout all the long years of exile; a country to which her family has dedicated the lives of her father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who founded and led the Pakistan People's Party before passing the mantle on to his daughter, two of her brothers and now Benazir herself.
We spent four hours together, just long enough for me to experience a potted version of the Benazir Bhutto package. She did have a tendency - not unknown among politicians - to go into oratorical mode, and once she had embarked on a certain line there was no stopping her.
This did not bother me as Pakistan's history - and the Bhutto dynasty's part in it - is so dramatic. Also since almost every terrorist attack that has taken place around the world leads back in some way to Pakistan, what she had to say about dealing with the extremist tendency could hardly be more important. She did come across as haughty on occasion, but what I liked about her was that you could point this out, and she was big enough to pause and think about why this should be.
Over lunch, Benazir made a rather astonishing remark about my weight saying: "You know, I am envious of the way you have let yourself go."
As an interviewer, that comment was a godsend since it allowed me later to go on to ask her all sorts of impertinent questions about her own complicated relationship with food.
Her two older teenage children, a boy and a girl, were present at the time, and I think they found their mama rather embarassing - but, then, what's new about that where teenagers are concerned? Her older daughter told me that she had written a birthday rap for her mother and I longed to hear it.
What I remember most was asking the children whether they had any interest in politics and being met by a fairly typical adolescent shrug; the difference being that the Bhutto family back then, and still now, is not a typical family.
Benazir, herself, for instance, did not want the heavy mantle of responsibility to be passed on to her by her father. I wrote in that piece something that was prophetic: "Bhutto represents everything the fundamentalists hate - a powerful, highly educated woman operating in a man's world, seemingly unafraid to voice her independent views and, indeed, seemingly unafraid of anything, including the very real possibility that one day someone might succeed in killing her because of who she is . . . Perhaps it is her sense of destiny - the daughter, rather than her brothers, groomed from such an early age to be the political heir to her father, despite her initial reluctance - which explains her equanimity in the face of death."
After the interview - which was by no means uncritical - was published, Benazir sent me an e-mail that could hardly have been more gracious. She thanked me for taking the time to visit Dubai and was sorry for her lunchtime indiscretions.
"I am also writing to apologise for remarks I may have made inadvertantly which were insensitive," she wrote. "Please accept the apology."
A few months later we met again in London. Her old mates were there from the University of Oxford, including Alan Duncan, the Tory MP, and the writer Victoria Schofield, a close friend who has been at her side through so many tragedies, and an American author, Ron Suskind, who was working on a book about terrorism. Her sister, Sunny, was there along with Benazir's youngest, sweet-faced daughter, Asifa.
We ate samosas and cucumber sandwiches, and talked about terrorism, and Duncan told her how he could effect an introduction with David Miliband, Britain's Foreign Secretary, although I hardly felt Benazir needed any help on that count.
She looked younger and lighter, and freer, than when we last met - her hair flowing freely, wearing hardly any make-up and dressed in an almost hippyish kameez, lime-green and flame-orange in colour. She was, as I remember it, walking barefoot.
Benazir had survived many attempts on her life. She told me that she never discussed her travel arrangements because: "I think the threat very much remains because my politics can disturb not only the military dictatorship in Pakistan, but it has a fallout on al-Qaeda and a fallout on the Taleban."
I asked her whether she felt immortal. "No," she had replied. "I know death comes.
"My young brothers I have buried . . . and I have been to the homes of people who have been hanged and people who were shot in the street, so, no, I don't feel there's anything like immortality."