Investing in Tragedy: China's Money, Arms and Politics in Sudan

China's thirst for oil not only explains why Beijing arms a gun-hungry Sudanese government while the world protests; it also accounts for the political cover that China gives Sudan.
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Last week the Chinese foreign ministry dismissed the findings of a new Human Rights First report that identified China as the single largest provider of small arms to Sudan, promising the world that its arms sales are "always highly prudent." If $55 million in small arms sales to a country orchestrating mass atrocities in Darfur constitutes prudence, one must really question China's intended effect.

Small arms are the weapons of choice for the government-backed Janjaweed militia who are responsible for much of the death, rape, destruction, and displacement in Darfur since the conflict erupted in 2003. It is no coincidence that 2003 was also the year that China stepped up its small arms sales to Sudan as demand was increasing to sustain the violence in Darfur. Despite the UN embargo on the transfer of weapons to Darfur, observers on the ground in Darfur have reported seeing Chinese weaponry there, including grenade launchers and ammunition.

At the time Chinese Special Representative on the Darfur Issue Liu Guijin was in Sudan last month, Sudanese armed forces--backed by the Janjaweed -- were carrying out renewed attacks in West Darfur, resulting in hundreds of new deaths and thousands of more displaced civilians. Mr. Liu returned home to Beijing and downplayed the impact of China's arms shipments to Sudan, claiming they were minor. In fact, from 2004-2006 China provided the Sudanese government with approximately 90% of its small arms.

As we approach the Beijing Summer Olympics in August, China has intensified its charm offensive to divert attention from its abysmal record of providing Sudan with both the weapons and political cover that Sudan needs to commit mass atrocities in Darfur. Underlying China's support is not a thirst for blood, but rather for Sudan's oil, which China needs to fuel its tremendous economic growth back home. Since 1999, China has steadily increased its purchasing of Sudanese oil, in addition to investing heavily in the infrastructure necessary to extract and export it. As of 2006, China was purchasing nine out of every ten barrels of oil that Sudan produces. When the violence began to intensify in Darfur, the other major small arms provider to Sudan, Iran, sharply decreased its arms sales. In contrast, China sought to consolidate its relationship with Sudan and stepped in to fill the small arms void.

China's thirst for oil not only explains why Beijing arms a gun-hungry Sudanese government while the world protests; it also accounts for the political cover that China gives Sudan, especially at the United Nations. China has been the chief obstruction to efforts by the Security Council to censure Sudan, weakening nine out of fourteen Council resolutions between 2004 and 2007. Despite China's best efforts, a resolution in 2004, and expanded in 2005, included an arms embargo on Sudan, which Khartoum has publicly derided.

There is no question that China is feeling the heat of international criticism. As the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics looms near, China's worries grow that its world debut will be spoiled. The impending Olympics, combined with the growing instability in Sudan (including in the South) imperiling China's oil supply, create a real moment to successfully pressure China. As Beijing itself says, it ultimately cannot control what the government of Sudan does. However, it can control its own actions. It can stop shipping arms to the Sudanese government, which would both significantly reduce current arms flows, and send a strong signal to Sudan that it will tolerate no further deception. China can also stop obstructing efforts in the Security Council to end the atrocities in Darfur.

China has suspended arms transfers before: it stopped shipping arms to Ethiopia and Eritrea during that conflict in 2000. But in the case of Sudan, China's defense of its military and political relationship with the Sudanese government is increasing in step with the violence in Darfur. This does not have to be the case. China has these few months before the Olympics to show the world its actions match its rhetoric by halting arms sales to Sudan and acting against all efforts by the Sudanese government that prolong the violence in Darfur. This would go a long way in helping China preserve a positive Olympic legacy, and will help bring peace to the people of Darfur.

Betsy Apple is Director of the Crimes Against Humanity Program at Human Rights First. Eric Sears is a program officer in the same program.

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