It was three years ago that the Honduran military launched an assault on the home of President Mel Zelaya, kidnapped him, and flew him out of the country. The Obama administration, according to its own conversations with the press, knew about the coup in advance. But the first statement from the White House -- unlike those from the rest of the world -- did not condemn the coup. That sent a message to the Honduran dictatorship, and to the diplomatic community: the U.S. government supported this coup and would do what it could to make sure it succeeded. And that is exactly what ensued.
Unlike Washington and its few remaining right-wing allies in the hemisphere, most of Latin America saw the coup as a threat to democracy in the region, and indeed to their own governments.
"It would be enough for someone to stage a civilian coup, backed by the armed forces, or simply a civilian one and later justify it by convoking elections," Argentine President Cristina Fernández told South American leaders. "And then democratic guarantees would truly be fiction." For that reason South America refused to recognize the Honduran "elections" held six months later under the dictatorship. But Washington wanted the coup regime legitimized. The Obama Administration blocked the Organization of American States (OAS) from taking action to restore democracy before "elections" were held.
"We have intelligence reports that say that after Zelaya, I'm next," President Correa saidafter the Honduran coup. This turned out to be correct: In September of 2010, a rebellion by police held Correa hostage in a hospital until he was freed, after a prolonged shoot-out between the police and loyal troops of the armed forces. It was another attempted coup against a social democratic president in Latin America.
Last week Cristina Fernández's warning against a "civilian coup" proved prescient in Paraguay. The country's left president, Fernando Lugo, was ousted by the Congress in an "impeachment trial" in which he was given less than 24 hours notice and two hours to defend himself. All 12 foreign ministers from the Union of South American Nations, including Brazil and Argentina, travelled to Paraguay on Thursday to tell the right-wing opposition that this clear violation of due process was also a violation of UNASUR's democracy clause. Brazil's president Dilma Rouseff suggested that the coup government should be kicked out of UNASUR and MERCOSUR, the southern cone regional trading bloc.
But the Paraguayan right, which had one-party rule for 61 years until Lugo's election, was determined to return to their ignominious past. And they knew that they had one ally in the hemisphere that they could count on.
"As a general matter, we haven't called this a coup because the processes were followed," said U.S. State Department spokeswoman Victoria Nuland on June 26. And, as if to remind the world of Washington's strategy with the Honduran coup, she added: "You know that they're supposed to have elections in 2013, which need to go forward. So I think we will refrain from further comment until we see how we come out of the OAS meeting."
Of course she knew that the OAS meeting would not resolve anything, because the U.S. and its allies can kill anything there -- as they did last week. The conclusion is obvious: any right-wing faction, military or civilian that can overthrow a democratically elected, left-of-center government, will get support from the United States government. Since the U.S. government is the richest and most powerful country in the hemisphere and the world, this counts for a lot.
Meanwhile, Honduras since the 2009 coup has turned into a nightmare, with the highest homicide rate in the world. Political repression is among the worst in the hemisphere: Journalists, opposition activists, campesinos fighting for land reform, and LGBT activists have been murdered with impunity. This week 84 members of the U.S. Congress sent a letter to U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton urging U.S. action against murders of LGBT activists and community members in Honduras. In March, 94 member of Congress asked her "to suspend U.S. assistance to the Honduran military and police given the credible allegations of widespread, serious violations of human rights attributed to the security forces."
The Obama administration has so far ignored these pleas from Congress, and the international media has given them scant attention. Ironically, this is not so much because Honduras is unimportant but because it is important: The U.S. has a military base there and would like to keep the country as its property.
But the hemisphere and the world have changed. The U.S. has lost most of its influence in the vast majority of the Americas over the past decade. It is only a matter of time before even poor countries like Honduras and Paraguay gain their rights to democracy and self-determination.
This article was published by The Guardian Unlimited, on June 29, 2012.
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It is important to consider the fundamental issues in the indictment against former President Lugo. The issues in the indictment data date back to 2009, directly related to his role as head of state, shed light to irresponsible policies by failing to properly fulfill his role.
The interruption of the democratic process is very different when it is interrupted by force compared to when it’s done using the recognized channels of the Constitution. Paraguay hopes the position of the countries of the region is consistent with the principles they claim to defend.
The political and human rights of every society should be reflected in a democracy that works from its own mechanisms which have been accepted and supported by its citizens. We know that all countries of the Latin American region are in a permanent process of democratic learning, but we have also learned that the decisions that emanate from the democratic process are not always palatable to the neighbors. Paraguay demands the respect of its process because it was an institutional, democratic, and nonviolent process. At the very least the Paraguayans deserve this.
Juan Francisco Facetti - Paraguay
It is prudent to also consider current president Franco’s affirmation that he will not be a presidential candidate for next year’s elections; an affirmation through which he clears doubt of power struggles and opens the stage for healthy political competition where parties will have to assume responsibility. One must also consider that ten minutes after the Senate vote that removed him from power; former President Lugo publicly recognized the result in front of an audience of millions of people from around the world and announced his new life as a regular citizen.
Juan Francisco Facetti
In our case this unfortunate process that ends with the impeachment of the president-elect is a process that is backed by the institutions—the Constitution and laws—and by the representative power that lies with the Chamber of Congress and the Senate. From this perspective the fact that the Congress approved the impeachment with only one dissenting vote is no small thing. In the sociopolitical scheme of Paraguay it is difficult to think of the possibility of something like this happening.
The same happened in the Senate, where only four votes rejected the dismissal and only two senators absent in this act.
What matters is that the Constitution was fully carried out. In this process Paraguay today will have to bear the cost of a Constitution that will require future changes to ensure enough time for a president to offer his defense and Paraguay must not regret what is now challenged by other countries that are putting more emphasis on the form and not in the Paraguayan political process.
With this, I mean to say that there was no civilian coup d'état, no pressure from the armed forces. There were no foreign elements linked to this decision, as well as no unconstitutional act or action.
Juan Francisco Facetti - Paraguay
pretty much yep, yep, and yep.
accurate with regard to the players and relative power, etc.
(i am not sure if that is allowed here.)