Without sustained, countervailing pressure on Netanyahu from the highest levels of the administration and its supporters in Congress, Netanyahu can expect to yield only to his right-wing base, scuttling the peace talks.
At what point in time is Mr. Netanyahu going to end his rhetorical ropa dopa -- on the one hand claiming to want a diplomatic solution, yet kowtowing to the equivalent his own tea party equivalent?
As one who supports the continued existence of a secure Jewish state, I have no choice but to oppose the BDS movement. So I wasn't offended by anything Netanyahu said about it in his AIPAC speech. What did offend me was Netanyahu's use of BDS as a diversion.
If the Washington Post were a Senator, Senator W. Post's extremist warmongering concerning the potential use of military force would make Senator McCain look like a prudent moderate by comparison.
The stakes on both the Israeli-Palestinian and the Iranian issues are high; important decisions on both will soon be required. It would serve both countries well if in private, too, the leaders were able to work closely on what are, at the end of the day, closely aligned interests.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu never tires of inventing new hoops through which he insists Palestinians jump. As he acknowledged a few weeks back, it's all part of a cynical game that he plays in an effort to kill the chances for peace.
President Abbas has been invited to come to Washington in March, in what seems to be his last hurrah, to meet U.S. President Barack Obama. The meeting, as usual, will take place after Benjamin Netanyahu's own talks with Obama.
Around this time last year, voters aged 18 to 24 were about evenly divided, with 48 percent saying the country was moving in the right direction while 44 percent said it was off on the wrong track. The finding is especially significant because this is the age during which most Israelis do their military service, take some time off to contemplate their future and then begin their studies.
Israeli leaders can argue publicly that there is no connection between the Iranian and Palestinian situations, but the Israeli public knows better, and if international agreements do not work here, why will they work there?
What does J Street's motto "Pro-Israel, Pro-Peace" really mean? That question calls for grasping the context of Zionism among Jews in the United States -- aspects of history, largely obscured and left to archives, that can shed light on J Street's current political role.
Neither Netanyahu nor Abbas has demonstrated bold and visionary leadership, which is surely needed at this fateful juncture. The Israeli-Palestinian annals are saturated with self-denial and resistance to the inevitable, and there is little evidence that much has changed.
We now have one more instance where Netanyahu's government is damaging the climate for talks with the Palestinians, whose own failings don't diminish Israel's need to normalize its borders and demographics.
At this point we have no idea what US Secretary of State John Kerry is going to propose to the Israelis and Palestinians. Because no comprehensive peace agreement is within reach, we are told that the Secretary is working, instead, on a "Framework Agreement."
While recruiting a broad range of international actors, Kerry single-handedly has forced the actors to focus on a common framework to guide the ongoing talks. While Kerry still has his skeptics, he has everyone's admiration for his efforts. Well, almost everyone.
Naftali Bennett, the leader of the hardline "Jewish Home" Party, who is Israel's Economics Minister, made a significant speech today which tells us how serious the peace negotiations being pushed by U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry have become -- and how worried opponents of the two-state solution are getting.
American Jews are expected by the Israeli government and by its American lobbying arms, such as AIPAC, to unequivocally support Israel against its very real enemies, but also any against criticism whether from abroad or within the American Jewish community.