The problem with the naysaying and finger pointing is not only that it is wrong, but the single-mind blaming of Israel for the breakdown of talks reinforces an atmosphere that makes moving forward toward any kind of peace or understanding more unlikely.
Even if Washington were to resolve the conflict over the Holy Land, it is unlikely that that would help reduce the power of the radicals to lessen the chances for war in the region.
Admittedly, the situation at the moment looks grim: After months of negotiations, a dozen personal visits from the secretary, and countless trips between Jerusalem and Ramallah, Israel is announcing new settlements and reneging on its agreement to release a small number of Palestinian prisoners this weekend.
There are so many who have declared the negotiations between the Israelis and the Palestinians dead. Let's not have a burial. Let's have a resuscitation. Peace, despite setbacks, remains a possibility.
The one man who has been able to keep the Netanyahu-Abbas square-off from imploding, Secretary of State John Kerry, is signaling that there is not much more the United States can do on its own.
The common characteristics and stark differences between Israel's Prime Minister Netanyahu and the Palestinian Authority's President Abbas might just explain why the current peace negotiations are stuck and not likely to lead to any breakthrough as long as they remain in power.
If Israel continues to rely on military and intelligence cooperation with Washington, in order to keep the Jewish state safe from terrorists and other threats, then Jonathan Pollard's case has already compromised the safety and security of Israelis.
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas is about to turn to the UN to ask for membership in some 15 organizations Palestinians have access to since they received non-member status at the UN in 2012. This might create a huge problem.
Unless and until Israel ends its brutal occupation of Palestinian lands, grants full equality to all its people -- including Palestinians -- and recognizes the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their land, the non-violent BDS movement will continue to grow and cripple the Israeli economy.
While it is clear that Rouhani -- limited by the existing taboos within the Islamic Republic's revolutionary ideology -- cannot alone engineer a change of policy toward Israel, he can aim to re-define Tehran's stance.
While reviewing polling data on Israeli and Palestinian attitudes towards the peace effort, what comes through clearly is the obvious disconnect between the views of both groups and the extent to which this divide is driven by the Israeli-centric language used in framing many of the issues.
Both the Israelis and the Palestinians are content proclaiming that they are willing to compromise but lack a true partner in negotiations. In order for the peace talks to truly progress, they must recognize that each has a true partner in the other.
It is not enough for the Arab states to provide Kerry with lukewarm public support; they need to become active participants both publicly and privately and show solidarity with the US-led efforts to send a clear message to the Israeli and Palestinian publics where they really stand.
John Kerry's plan will fail because it will be "realistic" rather than visionary, and de facto that means speaking more to the power of Israel and its domestic lobby than to the aspirations of the Palestinian people.
When listening to the fiery rhetoric and watching the enthusiasm at both AIPAC and CPAC, it becomes apparent that both groups retain the capacity to create problems for opponents. They may be down, but they are not out.
Without sustained, countervailing pressure on Netanyahu from the highest levels of the administration and its supporters in Congress, Netanyahu can expect to yield only to his right-wing base, scuttling the peace talks.