The money problems in Walker's official campaign are a symptom, not the cause, of his collapse. Trump, over the summer, changed the political landscape; that affected not just Walker and Perry, but the entire field. And the genesis of Walker's decline predated Trump's entrance into the race.
Cruz openly identifies with the Tea Party movement which may help to explain his motivation. The Tea Party movement seems to expect lies from their candidates because speaking the truth is supported by facts and data, which is so often irrelevant to their arguments.
The rhetoric of religious freedom and the 'war on Christianity' -- so often used as a justification for discrimination against LGBTQ people -- has nothing to do with religion or faith.
Scott Walker's budget creates a massive brain drain on one of the most prestigious state schools in America, all under the guise of giving the system "more autonomy"--also known as an attempt to pseudo-privatize another public system.
Rick Perry is back, and this time he's in it to win it. Speaking at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), Perry left behind the bumbling tea party conservative of 2012 and did his best to appear a reasonable, professorial moderate on environmental issues. Yet even this more polished Perry continued to flub the truth about environmental protection.
So CPAC happened, at which various GOP future candidates try to see if they can win a little conservative love. And that means that Common Core had to be trotted out for ceremonial abuse, like a disgraced former party officer in Communist China.
In a speech to the conservative Club for Growth this week, presidential hopeful and former Republican governor of Florida Jeb Bush espoused an idea about battling poverty that is, at its core, right.
This year, whether by design or coincidence, CPAC successfully covered all its bases by featuring dumbstupids spanning three generations. Who were these multi-generational representatives of the increasingly marginalized far-right brand?
Billionaires David and Charles Koch picked up the tab for the dinner of red meat, white rice, Caesar salad, half-baked ideas, sour grapes, and millionaire's cake. There also was an especially nutty fruitcake -- but Sarah Palin didn't stay long.
It has never been clear until now why Republicans so hated the idea of hard-working Americans banding together to negotiate to receive a more fair share of profits derived from the sweat of their brows. Walker's conflating ISIS terrorists with labor protestors while CPAC conference attendees cheered explains it all.
This year at CPAC there was no panel focused on the evils of gay marriage. NOM did have a small table in the basement of the hotel with the other exhibitors, though nothing as grand as the massive, expensive booths and tents of the gun-rights groups or the anti-tax activists.
While Rand Paul's victory in the CPAC straw poll means very little, there were some signals from the CPAC conference that have some bearing on American politics over the next 32 months or so.
Yes, we know it's all a show, that it's all about appealing to (appeasing) the NRA crowd, and demonstrating that a buttoned-down insider like Mitch McConnell is really one of the guys. Fine. But I have to say, there's something about it that just feels sinister.
Like at a family reunion, the infighting at this year's CPAC started long before anybody arrived. First, the group American Atheists announced that it would be sponsoring a booth at the conference, with the goal of bringing conservative nonbelievers "out of the closet." The religious right was not pleased.
Paul Ryan's politics dictate that those who are down on their luck -- even children -- are soulless, not the Wall Street bankers who continue to crush the American middle class, necessitating such assistance in the first place.
When listening to the fiery rhetoric and watching the enthusiasm at both AIPAC and CPAC, it becomes apparent that both groups retain the capacity to create problems for opponents. They may be down, but they are not out.