The Egyptian government's effort to promote soccer and use the sport to garner public support amounts to a double-edged sword.
For my recent birthday I gave myself a gift I'd wanted since I was five - no, not a pony, the Pyramids. I've always been obsessed with Ancient Egy...
With multiple potential flashpoints coinciding, militant, street-battle hardened Egyptian soccer fans threaten to align stadia alongside the country's...
Qatari authorities, in a bid to counter criticism that the Gulf state lacks a soccer culture as well as a sense that low attendance of matches could constitute a form of protest, has launched a politically sensitive survey to gauge reasons for its empty stadia.
Egypt remains complex: most 'liberals' seem to have bought into the military as some kind of 'revolutionary savior', while the Muslim Brotherhood calls Morsi 'a universal symbol of freedom and resistance and an icon of democracy'. Neither bears much resemblance to reality.
This week's banning of a prominent Egyptian soccer player for expressing political views on the pitch goes to the core of international sports' problems: a refusal to recognize the inextricable linkage between sports and politics.
Clashes this weekend between security forces and militant supporters of Cairo club Al Ahli SC have dented the Egyptian military-backed government's efforts to show that the country had put its political crisis behind it.
Little better illustrates the inextricable link between sports and politics than the frequent perception of Middle Eastern and North African national football teams as representatives of repressive autocratic regimes.
Opponents of Qatar's foreign, sports and labor policies are striking at the Gulf state's commercial interests in a bid to either force it to embrace reform or punish it for its support of Islamist groups.
Militant Egyptian soccer fans, a key player in Egypt's almost three year-old political rollercoaster, are fighting a battle for their existence in the...
I fear that, eventually, a vicious and bloody revolution will bring about an Iranian-style theocracy in Egypt. It is all too often forgotten that the CIA coup of the democratically elected Mosaddegh government in Iran led to the Iranian revolution twenty years later.
Those who want to understand the reasons for the coup in Egypt and for the shocking massacres and human rights violations that followed should study the military, not simply as an important institution in Egypt, but as the controlling institution in Egypt.
Amid entrenched political battle lines that have been reinforced by a brutal security force crackdown on supporters of ousted President Mohammed Morsi, Egyptians would do well to look at past events in the Philippines as well as the last two and a half years of their own history.
Anyone following the Egyptian media since President Morsi's overthrow would get a very quick education in how to invent the twilight zone, and then live in it.
I wrote my string quartet, The Named Angels, against the current backdrop of unrest in the Middle East. Each of the four movements of the quartet portrays of one of the four angels shared by the Jewish, Christian and Islamic faiths.
To maintain its tightrope act, the Obama administration will have to draw a clear distinction between peaceful, legitimate and democratic expression of dissent and terrorism. Failure to do so will increasingly put it in the camp of those seeking to stymie political change.