An Egyptian prosecutor has set the stage for the banning of a group of hard-core, militant soccer fans by charging them with accepting money and explosives from the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood to stage last month's Cairo football riot in which 22 people were killed.
By Stanley A. Weiss and Raphael Benaroya GSTAAD AND CAIRO--In the early 1990s, Robert Pelletreau, the United States ambassador to Egypt, met with Egy...
Militant, highly politicized, street battle-hardened supporters of both clubs played a key role in the demonstrations that removed Mr. Mubarak from power and in protests against all subsequent governments, including that of Mr. Al Sisi.
A stampede at a Cairo stadium earlier this month, much like a politically-loaded soccer brawl in the Suez Canal city of Port Said three years ago, is shining a spotlight on Egypt's unreformed, unabashedly violent, and politically powerful police and security forces amid confusion over what precisely happened and how many fans died.
The death of at least 40 militant, highly politicized, and street battle-hardened Egyptian soccer fans in clashes with security forces raises the stakes for general-turned-president Abdel Fattah Al Sisi's efforts to suppress political dissent.
Egyptian-general-turned-president Abdel Fattah Al Sisi's efforts to lend legitimacy to parliamentary elections scheduled for this spring have gotten off to a murky start with the appointment of a controversial, reportedly United Arab Emirates-backed human rights NGO as one of five foreign election monitors.
In Turkey, the government has sought to drive a wedge between militant fans and other supporters by arguing that e-ticketing was a way to combat illegal ticket scalping, increase tax revenues and ensure that stadia are safe for families.
Militant, street battle-hardened soccer fans stormed a Cairo stadium in advance of the second leg of crowned Cairo Al Ahli SC's African Confederation Cup final against Ivory Coast's Sewe Sport in a reassertion of the fans' key role in protest against the regime of toppled president Hosni Mubarak.
how could the United States dictate to the rest of the world what to do and how to behave while doing the very opposite?
The Egyptian judiciary has been more interested in "punishing dissent than establishing justice," Diana el-Tahawy wrote in her Guardian piece. But the judiciary is not alone in its foray against pro-democracy activists.
Egypt's dead will not be so easily forgotten. They have a habit of resurrecting themselves when it comes to writing the history of these awful events. A faint echo of that process will start in Geneva on Wednesday.
With Mr. Al Sisi employing brute force by security forces, a private security firm reportedly owned by generals and regime-friendly businessmen, and Mubarak-era thugs, and a crackdown on academic freedom to impose his will, flashpoints loom beyond campuses on the horizon.
A successful soccer player near the peak of his career, 22-year Nidhal Selmi died last week a foreign fighter for the Islamic State, the jihadist group that controls a swath of Syria and Iraq.
An expected decision by Egyptian soccer authorities to ban as terrorist organizations groups of militant soccer fans builds on the definition by Arab autocrats of legitimate, democratic opposition forces as violent threats to their grip on power.
The incidents reflect mounting anger and frustration among North African youth who have few if any social and economic prospects.
The president, the military and the security apparatus -- as well the masses who back them -- need to realize (if they haven't already) that slaughtering hundreds of their opponents and detaining thousands more cannot leave the country safer or place it on a track for development.