Today is Monday the 29th of July. I am writing this from London, the city where I have built my career and life upon graduating from business school. ...
Capital punishment, says the European Union, is both immoral and ineffective. They are right; it's been proven. So the question: can we talk, within the field of race and beyond it about our tendency to reward our hatred and not to work it harder.
Looking back at the five months that preceded last Friday night's shock referendum call, it is evident that the government made numerous grave negotiating mistakes.
Today, the Earth got a little hotter, and a little more crowded. ...
Given the EU's fundamental interconnectedness -- in economic, financial, geopolitical and social terms -- the disruptive impact of each shock would amplify the others, overwhelming the region's circuit breakers, leading to recession, reviving financial instability and creating pockets of social tension. This would increase already high unemployment, expose excessive financial risk-taking, embolden Russia and strengthen populist movements further, thereby impeding comprehensive policy responses.
If Russia does not seize the opportunity to bail out Greece, we can conclude that the Russian economy is in much worse shape than anticipated. There is also an interesting observation to be made behind the gunpowder smoke in Ukraine, Iran's alleged nuclear weapons program and several other geopolitical issues.
Today we stand on the precipice of a European implosion. A popular referendum on July 5th may determine if Greece will leave the monetary union, and perhaps, according to its Central Bank, also the EU.
An orderly unwinding of Greece's and Europe's debt is possible. If it could be done in the U.S., when a third of all savings and loans associations failed in the 1980s and 1990s, something similar can be done in Europe.
For the past five months, the Tsipras government has presided over economic contraction, commercial paralysis, political polarization at home, diplomatic deadlock abroad and billions in withdrawals from Greek banks.
Many of our post-apocalyptic stories -- Mad Max, The Road, World War Z -- feature desperate people on the move in a friendless and resource-poor environment. That's "reality" at the Cineplex. Unfortunately, it looks a lot like the reality of a refugee.
COPENHAGEN -- The most revolutionary idea of modern Europe has been to purse the safety of its citizens by opening borders, not erecting barriers. A new European security strategy must make the case that the nexus of security and integration still amount to the formula of European peace. That is a battle that Europe cannot afford to lose.
Central Europe had been kidnapped, the Czech writer Milan Kundera once wrote in a celebrated essay from 1984. It had been dragged eastward by the Soviet Union after World War II. And like a displaced person yearning to return home, the region couldn't wait until it could rejoin Europe.
A large majority of the estimated 10-12 million Roma living in Europe, six million of them in the EU and the majority in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, and Romania, continue to face social-economic prejudice, exclusion from mainstream education and healthcare, intolerance, xenophobia and stigmatization.
Today, the Earth got a little hotter, and a little more crowded.
The topics of strengthening the transatlantic partnership and advancing economic freedom were brought to the forefront, when we gathered in Brussels at a dinner event of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in December 2014.
When I met political scientist Mitja Zagar in Slovenia, he provided the most chilling prediction. "I believe that the only way of dismantling Yugoslavia without creating any kind of new links or forms of common living would be if there is a war in some parts."