Washington, for all of its assurances that it has blocked every path to a nuclear Iran, has done little to block the pathway to a devastating regional conflict.
Spending the past months reading op-eds, attending UN panel sessions, and engaging in conversations, a reoccurring theme whether in news print or verbalized, had left me unsettled. The new found debate on a country's morality in regards to the Syrian refugee crisis.
What is needed to effectively fight such radicalism -- and which is in dire shortage -- is secular (not moderate or democratic) local ground forces; the Kurds and the remnants of Assad's Syrian army are the only game in town.
Since the U.S does not have clear and detailed policy towards the conflicts in the Middle East, and since the U.S policy is currently anchored in the wait-and-see foreign policy, Washington is more willing to delegate the task of fighting the Islamic State or resolving the crisis in Syria and Yemen, to Tehran and Moscow or other nations.
Back in May, when a run for the 2016 presidential nomination was still a twinkle in Donald Trump's eye, he already had a beautiful but secret plan to "bring ISIS to the table or, beyond that, defeat ISIS very quickly."
The United States' stance against Rwanda ending term limits in time for President Paul Kagame to seek a third election and perpetuate his repressive regime in Kigali is a welcome step in the right direction, but it mustn't end there.
Any people that has the means of its own defense and doesn't make the effort shows a lack of self-respect. Moreover, resistance ending in defeat can also demonstrate self-respect. "Nobody wants a foreign master," said the ancient Melians to the Athenians before being crushed by them.
If you were to isolate the single most striking, if little discussed, aspect of American foreign policy in the first 15 years of this century, it might be that Washington's inability to apply its power successfully just about anywhere confirms that very power; in other words, failure is a marker of success.
Merten is a predictable choice to defend U.S. interests in the Haiti Parliamentary elections, since he was Ambassador to Haiti during the 2010-11 Haiti Presidential election cycle that installed musician "Sweet Mickey" Martelly.
Iranian officials' rhetoric and tone on the Yemen crisis has slightly changed. This change was initiated because of the shift in Iran's foreign policy regarding how to use "diplomacy" and the appropriate wording in order to achieve Tehran's ideological, geopolitical and economic objectives.
hanks to a technicality in counting refugees, hundreds of outlets from Amnesty International to the Brookings Institution have claimed that Saudi Arabia has taken zero refugees -- a ludicrous, but rarely fact-checked statement given the comical lack of a "Great Arabian Wall."
While it is widely recognized that the Cold War was a time of heavy diplomatic involvement and trials, few are familiar with another ongoing transatlantic war during the same period: The Chicken War.
There is no ambiguity in Carson's statements during his Meet the Press interview on September 20. He's clearly stated his belief that Islam is fundamentally incompatible with the Constitution.
It's a given that to be a Republican candidate you have to bash President Obama as being weak on defense. But as evidenced in Wednesday's debate, while a few of the candidates depart from the party's most heated foreign policy rhetoric, none of them have come up with a coherent alternative.
Might it not have been better for the universe as a whole if the Enterprise had never left Earth in the first place and if Earth hadn't meddled in matters beyond its own solar system?
The rulers of the Islamic Republic of Iran have routinely used external conflicts to divert public attention from domestic problems, deflect attacks, promote national cohesion and repress their opponents. Much of the tension between Iran and the U.S. can be seen in this light.