Certainly, a practical solution to the crisis in Syria would require full cooperation between the U.S. and Russia, but considering the unfolding horror in Syria, neither the U.S. nor Russia can now piece together a political solution that will satisfy all players.
Iran is Exhibit #1 for the threat posed by Islamic fundamentalists gaining control of government. Iranian repression is increasing and the space available to regime opponents is diminishing.
Americans need to stop pointing the finger at the "bad guys" Washington is so keen to warn us about, and start paying attention to their own government's crimes.
So, the media needs another food-fight story, and, if there is no real one, just allow themselves to be sucked in by right-wing propaganda. Hence, Benghazi. Again.
In the latest incident of racism, Iran's soccer federation this month banned Paykan FC coach Firouz Karimi for eight games and fined him $3,000 for calling Dutch player of African descent Sendley Sidney Bito a cannibal and a Negro and refusing to shake his hand.
No one should be surprised by the politicization of human rights in the United Nations. And in principle, criticisms of a state's human rights record should not necessarily be delegitimized by the political system of the state making those criticisms.
Make no mistake about it, Syria has become a proxy war, but neither the Americans nor the Russians are calling the shots. More significant roles are being played by competing regional groupings who are supporting, and even driving, their Syrian allies.
The legislation would not only signal U.S. regime change policy to the Iranian government -- it would also signal to the Iranian people as a whole that the U.S. is determined to pursue regime change by making ordinary Iranians suffer.
NBC News Chief Foreign Correspondent Richard Engel spoke with Allen Grubman, senior partner of Grubman, Indursky, Shire & Meiselas P.C. at 92Y on Apri...
Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani is almost 80 years old but his candidacy or involvement can pose a significant challenge and difference in the Iranian election.
What seems to be lacking the most is an explicit political objective achievable in a time period and at a cost that is domestically palatable. Injecting countless weapons into this imbroglio will not alter the underlying political dynamics and may serve to prolong it.
With America and its European partners once again blowing an opening to accept Tehran's nuclear rights and close a nuclear deal, we are likely to see another surge of nuclear expansion in Iran.
Americans today debate possible new interventions, withdrawals, disputes over what does and does not constitute a "red line," and other applications of power abroad in light of enormous geopolitical changes and challenges. Let the debate consider the long history of cautious realism.
There is no doubt that even if the nuclear issue is resolved, the current Iranian regime will create other crises. But it has been weakened by this long struggle for power. These crises are only symptoms of deeper underlying problems.
A handful of Democratic and Republican senators are considering a rewrite of 60 of the most consequential words to ever pass through Congress: The Authorization for Use of Military Force, which is enabling a system of eternal warfare.
With its access to the White House, State Department and media, NIAC has increasingly troubled the war crowd, so much so that it has become one of their favorite targets.