With the overthrow of Moammar Gaddafi, Libya has a whole new political spectrum that covers a formal transitional government to remnants of the monarchy. Each will play some telling role over the next few months.
Jean-Pierre Filiu's book "The Arab Revolution" is timely to say the least, offering a short but concise series of historical perspectives and modern analyses to form 10 lessons from what he terms the "democratic uprising."
The year 2011 represents the first time since the birth of the modern Middle East that Western powers are collectively standing with the bulk of Arab public opinion.
With what seems to be the end of the era of Gaddafi's reign, we should take a moment and remember the good times, rather than focus on all the bad, l...
Muammar Gaddafi's 42-year dictatorship is hanging by a thread, most of his family is either under arrest or in exile, and rebels are celebrating their impending victory in virtually every village, town and Tripoli neighborhood. It's like Iraq in March 2003. But things in Iraq changed quickly. We know from that experience that now isn't the time for celebration. If the Libyan people don't learn from the mistakes the U.S. made in Iraq, they could repeat the violence that has wracked that country for the past eight years. In short, it's a time to worry about Libya's future.
Barack Obama's gamble in providing limited support for a conflict in Libya, in which other countries played lead roles, now seems like a winning move.
The rebels are on the move in Libya. Unfortunately, getting answers to the question "where exactly are they moving?" from the American media is not that easy.
News sources indicate that France has agreed to let Qaddafi remain in Libya if he cedes power. Qaddafi's acquiescence notwithstanding, this is the best decision made by the Western powers so far in the Libyan conflict.
A military push toward Tripoli should be promoted and not discouraged. If Nato wants to avoid instability and bloody retribution then it should instead aim to swiftly end the Gaddafi regime and focus efforts on the post-Gaddafi transitional period, with a particular emphasis on representation.
All this talk of dithering and deference would be interesting if it didn't confuse realism with isolationism while also misidentifying the point at which Obama's foreign policy began to tack away from its early "realist" positions.
As people in the West continue to hear the stories of ordinary citizens in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, Syria and Yemen, they are realizing more and more that human desires, needs and wants or all people are one and the same.
Mohammed El Senussi is the opposite of Muammar Gaddafi: he's soft-spoken, nuanced, dresses in business suits and is also Gaddafi's main rival.
Here in Tunisia, credited with the rebirth of Arab Nationalism because of its Jasmine Revolt that shook the Arab World, there is deep concern for Libya's welfare.
As a Libyan and Muslim woman, my voice is often drowned out. But the revolutions of the Arab Spring thrust women into the public sphere and supported their voices with megaphones.
Our energy challenges are shared among nations, and their resolution requires both domestic action and international cooperation. A concerted global effort to end the secrecy that often surrounds energy development is a good place to start.