The US has unnecessarily overthrown in regimes in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya that have led to internal civil wars and the spread armed Islamism into surrounding areas. Unbelievably, some members of the foreign policy elite want the U.S. to get more heavily involved in other civil wars.
Holding on to power in Libya is crucial to the Muslim Brotherhood's survival, as well as for Libya's vast oil riches to bankroll any comeback for them in the region. The recent parliamentary elections in Libya dealt a heavy blow to the Muslim Brotherhood and their allies.
The repetition of Washington's call to arms manifests as a form of black comedy: it is funny until you realize its horror.
The difference between Protestantism and Catholicism is not much, at least to an outside observer, just as the gap between Shia and Sunni Islam does not appear that wide. But to many within, the gulfs are wide and unbridgeable, oftentimes enough to spark internecine wars.
In spite of all the resources devoted to fighting Somalia-based Al Shabaab in recent years, the group has grown stronger, and continues to cross the region's borders with impunity. The same is true with Boko Haram in Nigeria and Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb.
Indian Strategist Prof. M D Nalapat, UNESCO Peace Chair and Editorial Director of the Sunday Guardian, has an unusually spot-on record for predicting trends in the Middle East. This is what he has to say about Iraq.
With the country again teetering on the brink of sectarian chaos, it is time to stop forcing Iraq's 35 million inhabitants -- Shiite Arabs in the south, Sunnis in central Iraq, and Kurds in the north -- to coexist within arbitrary British borders.
What are the obstacles to democratic transition in the Arab world? It is a critical question, as the lives and well-being of millions of people are at stake.
Over the last dozen years, American foreign policy has, in its most dynamic aspects, been an abject, and highly destructive, failure. But our self-perpetuating foreign policy establishment seems substantially incapable of fully appreciating the extent of the disaster.
There's no reason for coups to have such enduring appeal. Like those recurring bouts of malaria, they often lead to nothing but more coups. Treating the fever is not enough. We have to look at the underlying infection of the body politic.
Instead of stirring up more terrorism by elevating the reputation of local-oriented groups, for example Boko Haram, the West--and the United States in particular--should butt out of providing such counterterrorism "assistance."
Lack of money could be pointed to in reference to every public function; it is a bit too easy an out, since there is never enough money appropriate to go around. In Benghazi there is a deeper misjudgment, but it takes no dog-and-pony show to see it.
Our highest patriotism on this Memorial Day should not simply be to mourn those Americans who have died fighting in the uniform of our country, but more importantly, we should all vow that unnecessary wars -- like Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan -- will never, ever happen again.
We took his book The People Want: A Radical Exploration of the Arab Uprising as a starting point from which to examine the roots of the Syrian uprising, the nature of the Assad regime, the different shapes of the uprisings across the region, and the fate of Syria.
Usually in elections, the voters' central dilemma is deciding whether to vote for candidate 'A', 'B', or even 'C'. However, in Egypt's upcoming presidential elections, voters and organizing blocs are revisiting the dilemma they faced in their 2012 elections.
This crisis could yet escalate. Egypt has yet to stabilize and yet the countries that backed the coup are continuing a policy which spreads the chaos further. By framing the fight against Islamism a transnational one, they are committed to a formula of exporting military dictatorship across North Africa.