Full-scale conflict in Sinai has witnessed increasing levels of effectiveness and sophistication by insurgents claiming loyalty to Islamic State.
A three-minute video, posted by a Saudi government-backed organization to YouTube on June 4, has garnered 150,000 views in 48 hours and sparked a discussion in the kingdom about how to stem sectarian conflict.
The real war, however, is not against ISIS, as Washington would have it, or al-Qaeda.
If the last 15 years have taught us anything, it is that repression will breed violence, not only against those practicing it directly, but also against their patrons, sponsors and enablers. Authoritarianism -- far from being the solution in the Middle East -- is in fact the problem.
The May 16-17 weekend proved to be among the most controversial periods in President Sisi's nearly two-year rule, with Egypt's Mubarak era-judiciary issuing three highly symbolic decisions against the country's various opposition groups.
Few are able to bridge Egypt's deeply polarizing divide between supporters and opponents of the Muslim Brotherhood following the 2013 military coup that toppled President Mohammed Morsi.
AMMAN -- Whatever happens in Jordan and nearby Arab countries, one thing is clear: it is impossible to obliterate a movement that has popular support.
The failure of last year's election to achieve political unity in Libya was most evident when Fajr Libya, or "Libya Dawn" -- a diverse coalition of armed groups that includes an array of Islamist militias -- rejected the election's outcome and seized control of Tripoli.
Western leaders who deny the religious foundation of the jihadist group Islamic State are blind to its raison d'être, which is firmly grounded in Islamic texts and the concept of offensive jihad. Furthermore, models for militias can be found in historic and contemporary jihads.
After a series of high-level meetings to discuss press freedom concerns with Egyptian officials in Cairo earlier this month, it was heartening to hear that journalists Mohamed Fadel Fahmy and Baher Mohamed had been granted bail.
Bahrain must tread carefully. The ruling monarchy finds itself vulnerable to a resilient Shi'ite opposition and a growing current of pro-Daesh elements within the monarchy's political and security structures.
The AKP does not aspire to be a model for the Islamic world; it aspires to be its leader -- a duty which includes safeguarding the interests of the nearly 20 million Muslims living in Europe. In Erdoğan's view, it is the EU which must accommodate itself to Turkey, not vice versa. Erdoğan is saying to the West: If you want my help in the Middle East, then we'll play by my rules.
Consider for a moment how 2015 must look through the eyes of the assumed victor of this struggle, King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. What does the new year have in store for him?
In any case, Washington's influence is limited: The Sisi regime will do whatever it believes necessary to retain power. Whatever America does, Egypt is likely to end up without liberty or stability. Washington should step back from a crisis that it can't resolve.
When we asked citizens in Egypt, Tunisia, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and UAE whether they believed the Middle East was better off or worse off as a result of the Arab Spring the responses were largely divided.
The seminar that included participants from Syria, Yemen, Qatar, Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia, Iraq, Algeria and Turkey ended with an eight-point statement to combat hate speech and promote actions to further ethics, good governance and self-regulation.