Saudi Arabia's recent announcement, that it (along with fellow GCC countries Bahrain and the UAE) would recall their ambassadors to Doha, was quite understandable; though it could be argued that this measure is unlikely to be effective in ultimately curing Qatar from what seems to be a severe case of "Small State Syndrome."
Saudi Arabia has threatened to blockade its neighbouring Gulf State Qatar by land and sea unless it cuts ties with the Muslim Brotherhood, closes Al Jazeera, and expels local branches of two prestigious U.S. think tanks, the Brookings Doha Center and the Rand Qatar Policy Institute.
If Americans are still interested in playing a major role in the Middle East, or even just the Gulf region, strong relations with Egypt are not optional. Egypt, too, can hardly expect to find a more valuable strategic partner.
The Egyptian people have shown they prefer military rule. It's time we in the United States honored their preference and stopped trying to remake Egypt in our own image.
The Egyptian military clearly has the upper hand at this time, but their hold on power is ultimately fragile. The younger generation of Egyptians will not likely be satisfied with military rule any more than they were with Mubarak or the Muslim Brotherhood.
The IRA set off bombs in pubs, department stores, shopping centers, and subway stations and on busy roadways. There was no way to know what their target might be and when they might choose to strike. Yes, Egypt could still deteriorate that far, but it hasn't yet.
Turkish Prime Minister Erdoğan's visit to Iran last month symbolized a pivot toward Tehran and a shift in Ankara's Middle East foreign policy.
Declaring a desire to stand "shoulder to shoulder" with Iran in combating terrorism, and driven by Turkey's evolving policy toward Syria, Erdoğan's trip highlighted Ankara and Tehran's tendency to pursue mutual interests when their paths cross.
Sisi's rise from career officer to national savior is reminiscent of another man who has set back the cause of democracy in his country by decades: Vladimir Putin.
Algeria descended into civil war when its military suppressed the country's democratically popular Islamists. Could the same happen in Egypt?
Even as Hamas gradually restores its relationship with Iran and Hezbollah, some of its officials still wave the Free Syrian Army (FSA) flag.
After some time out of the news, Egypt has reemerged as perhaps the administration's greatest foreign policy failure. Washington has proved impotent in the face of political revolution, Islamist activism, and military repression.
In this week's issue, we put the spotlight on Egypt, where things feel disturbingly similar to the way they were before the Arab Spring.
The Muslim Brotherhood has survived three major crackdowns in its 80 year history with its reformist agenda in tact. Whatever happened, its leaders clung to the dream of changing Egypt from within and gradually. Until today.
The U.S. government must stand on the side of human rights, the rule of law, and democratic progress, not impede or otherwise stunt such progress. If U.S. policy towards Egypt remains unchanged, we will be complicit in continued human rights violations, a totally unacceptable and untenable situation.
Although the UN does important humanitarian work, it is overgrown with the weeds of a dysfunctional bureaucracy and spineless leadership, and has become a watering hole for states that are prepared to sanction sex discrimination and extremist ideology without fear of serious challenge by the world body.