While the world's attention is preoccupied with entertaining the possibility of Putin's invasion rampage, this misplaced focus distracts greatly from the internal crisis brewing in Ukraine.
A quarter century after the end of the Cold War and decades after the signing of landmark nuclear arms control and disarmament agreements, are the U.S. and Russian governments once more engaged in a potentially disastrous nuclear arms race with one another?
While "a New Cold War" has not yet been adopted as an official framework for US foreign and military policy, there are among foreign and military policy-makers many who will be tempted by its appeal. We should be circumspect about following them down this path.
While avowed critics of social engineering at home, most conservatives believe the U.S. government can remake foreign societies abroad. It's a dangerous delusion. In pursuit of their interventionist fantasies, they are prepared to waste scarce financial resources, entangle the U.S. in foreign quarrels, and risk war with nuclear-armed powers.
NATO was critical to the shaping of the "new Europe" two decades earlier after the fall of the Iron Curtain. Similar and new challenges have emerged where once again NATO may be a defining factor in the future of Europe as well as the Euro-Atlantic family.
Designing a long-term strategy and implementing effective policies to successfully deal with radical Islam on Western soil can no longer be delayed. In the immediate future, strong rule of law nations must deal with enemies within our midst which are facilitating:
Modern malls and promenades have replaced rubble in the dozen years since the Bosnian war devastated Kosovo, and gateway capital city Pristina is a center of recovery projects and reconstruction.
Twenty-five years after the end of the Cold War, Russia's is using complaints of humiliation by the West to support its seizure of the Crimea, its military presence in Eastern Ukraine, and its provocations in the Baltics.
While many hawkish observers in Washington demanded a more overt and energetic response from the Obama administration, the past six months can only be seen as vindication of President Obama's diplomacy toward Russia and proof of the abject failure of the shortsighted and domestically driven foreign policy of Vladimir Putin.
Real convergence does not happen only between East and West, but first and foremost inside each country. And it resides in the social contract between the state and its citizens. But Ukrainians must also have no illusion that this is a project lasting at least a generation. For a generation, from independence to the EU presidency, is exactly the time it took Latvia.
An alliance between both countries is both unnecessary and unlikely, but the U.S. should take the lead and work towards compromise, rather than towards unilateral resolutions, if both countries are to peacefully coexist.
Why are anti-Islam rallies taking place in a part of Germany where there are almost no Muslims? One explanation might be that having little experience with Muslims, the inhabitants of Dresden are frightened of any newcomers, especially refugees from Syria. But other factors merit consideration.
Soldiers, officers and police that fought against each other two decades earlier are now working together in UN and NATO operations to keep or deliver peace.
Focusing on women, peace and security does not mean shifting focus from "hard" to "soft" issues. Women constitute half the world's population. Incorporating their perspectives is not merely the right thing to do, it is also the smart and strategic thing to do.
NATO's Afghanistan withdrawal renders a generation of Af-Pak jihadists jobless. Many will turn their attention to India.
As international troops leave Afghan security in the hands of their domestic counterparts, ISAF will let its "clear, hold, build" counter-insurgency mandate fade.