The cause of global nuclear disarmament, once a dream with geopolitical cred, may wind up entombed in eternal apathy. As Carroll put it: "Nuclear abolition itself is being abolished." But I refuse to believe that. What I do believe is that change of such magnitude simply cannot emerge from the actions of top-down leadership.
Here's the thing. This audacious lawsuit is a disarmament wedge. Since I wrote last week's column, I've been in touch with Laurie Ashton, the lead attorney for the case in U.S. federal court, and have read the brief appealing the suit's dismissal, which was filed last month. To get this close to the case -- to its language, to its soul -- is to feel possibility begin pulsing in a unique way.
The security establishments of Russia and the United States identify the threat of the spread of weapons of mass destruction as sufficiently serious to compel cooperation despite differences on other matters. Once there is the political support for cooperation the diplomats can exercise their skills successfully.
A little over 70 years ago, Paul Olum stood with his colleagues in the desert near Alamogordo, NM. They had spent the last few years designing the first atomic bomb. Six days after the bombing of Nagasaki, World War II was over -- and Paul Olum became a lifelong advocate of nuclear arms control and disarmament.
It's time to chart a diplomatic roadmap in another region with long-festering hostility: the Korean peninsula. On May 24, International Women's Day for Peace and Disarmament, I will be one of 30 women from 15 countries who will engage in a historic march from North to South Korea, crossing the Demilitarized Zone.
While the five nuclear-armed states recognized by the NPT have focused primarily on non-proliferation, a series of new disarmament initiatives has reinvigorated the debate and mobilized non-nuclear weapon states and civil society groups to bring the longtime vision of a world free of nuclear weapons into reality.