On the face of it, the gap between the Israeli and Palestinian negotiating position would seem hard to bridge. Lifting the Gaza blockade would hand Hamas a political victory. Demilitarization would constitute a political defeat.
The Palestine Monetary Authority has kept cash flowing to a besieged population struggling to survive in a devastated economy. Gaza's 45 bank branches have been mostly closed during the nearly month-long conflict, with working ATMs depending on the availability of generator fuel and the daring of bank staff to maintain them.
With or without an infusion of massive amounts of international aid, clearing away the mess of this war will take years. Streets can be cleaned, but the wounds, both physical and mental, will not soon heal, nor will the survivors easily erase the feelings of helplessness, despair and anger with which they have been left.
Joining the International Criminal Court (ICC) remains one of few options for the "State of Palestine," but it's one with profound implications for Zionism and Hamas.
This conflict has devastated the lives of hundreds of thousands of civilians, and readers of the Times require clear and accurate comparisons of data.
All three groups have been dehumanized as the "other," the bogeymen that will destroy if they are not destroyed. And all of us know what it is like to be trapped in the ghetto and have the walls close in on them, and all know how it feels when the lynch mob comes.
There are four strong reasons to include Hamas in the reconstruction process. First, it is time to acknowledge the major transformations that the party has undergone over the past decades.
While the world's first concern is, and should be, humanitarian, it also needs to pay close attention to a key aspect of both these terrorist organizations that could escalate the crisis in the Middle East beyond measure and quite possibly bring the region to the brink of destruction.
Calls for a reorganization of the Israeli military including a review of its strategy and doctrine are fueled by the fact that military intelligence struggled to cope with Hamas' ability to quickly change tactics and strategy.
I thought I knew enough to have a position. But I was wrong. I experienced something two weeks ago, and it rocked my world. My isolated, protected, and insular American world.
In Israel I am considered to be a lefty who hates his own country. In the States I'm an occupier whose every attempt to dialogue is normalizing the occupation and diminishing the Palestinian struggle.
In All I Love and Know, Judith Frank presents a family that, though scarred and scared, overcomes division and distrust to create their own kind of unity.
Who suffers the most? It is always those who are most vulnerable. Children in Syria, Ukraine, Gaza, and many other "theatres of conflict" lie on stretchers, bruised and bloodied, unsure of why these tragedies are happening.
This conflict has, perhaps in ways that are not immediately evident, changed the strategic environment for both Israel and the Palestinians. The questions of whether they are aware of this and how they will adapt will be central for the futures of both people.
The only words I can muster now, while the images of the carnage are freshly etched into my mind, are the words that may have come from one of the child victims whose life was cut short by a U.S.-supplied Israeli F-16 fighter jet missile. This is the imagined letter from the victim.
It seems that most people on either side have lost the emotional ability and space to recognize the humanity and suffering of the other. While this is understandable, it is still critically important to do our best to keep the emotional space to process and empathize.