The risk of ISIS getting a nuclear bomb are small. But they are not zero.
On a recent visit to Europe I was most struck by the latent and open anti-American sentiments that are contaminating the political elites across the continent. This is especially strange in a year when we commemorate the end of the Cold War.
The stop-start nature of Russia's energy deals with Central Asian countries combined with traditional fears of Russian encroachment stemming from centuries of Russian occupation, has caused many Central Asian countries to view China as a more stable and consistent economic partner.
Tight integration, inter-dependency and correlation among technologies of different countries provide much more oversight, control, and assurance than does a policy of restrictions and economic or technological embargo.
Anti-imperialism has survived as a pillar of ideology, as has Sinocentrism and Russocentrism, which focus overwhelmingly on resistance to the United States and its allies.
Had Democratic candidates run on the president's record of success, would the election results in some states been different? Probably.
Being a big believer in the lessons taught by history, I'm inclined to think that the current 'love fest' between China and Russia will probably have a limited shelf life.
Twenty-five years ago this week, the Soviet empire in Eastern Europe was collapsing. The Berlin Wall had been breached. The Communist East German government was literally swept away by the storm tide of history.
I send this warning to Russia's hard-liners: don't mess with Apple. You can't win this fight -- just ask Dr. Dre. Don't let Russia become the next Beats Electronic. When it comes to swallowing up its competitors, the Russian Federation has nothing on Apple.
Putin wants to regain that same "respect" that the West held for Khrushchev, and he sees no other way but to underscore his own unpredictability. I suspect that the recent sorties by Russian strategic bombers over the Atlantic Ocean and the Baltic, North and Black seas are a manifestation of this new unpredictability.
Looking at the political shards left over from Tuesday's election, shadowed so heavily by President Barack Obama's sharp decline from his strong re-election just two years ago, we see two starkly different realities for Democrats in the nation's largest state and the nation as a whole.
In just the last couple of months the answer has shifted from radical Islamists, to Russia, back to radical Islamists with the rise of ISIS, to Ebola, and now back to radical Islamists. But nobody seems to be getting at the underlying assumption that these issues represent significant threats to the welfare of the American people.
The end of the Cold War, epitomized by the Berlin Wall destruction, quickly came to be seen by the West as its own triumphant victory and the USSR/Russia's unconditional surrender. Hence Russia was to be treated as a second-rank country, a regional power at best, that was expected to obediently follow whatever directions may have come from Washington and Brussels. The problem was the Russians did not share this view of themselves as a defeated nation obliged to accept the victors' terms.
When he initiated the Asia-Pacific rebalance, U.S. President Barack Obama staked all his international strategic capital on that cast of dice. The move, however, only ended up in the birth of more imbalances in the world, which forced the U.S. to scurry between one hotspot after another.
You can call it a "wave," a "thumpin'," or a "shellacking," but whatever term that the pundits and politicians use, it's quite clear that the Republican Party made a loud statement on Election Night.
If you are traveling to St. Petersburg, Russia most everyone will say, you must see The Hermitage Museum, the Faberge Collection and Catherine Palace. Yes, you must, but you should also ride the metro because it's so unexpectedly beautiful.