The incident reflects the growing brazenness of the Russians after their much-touted quasi-invasion of Syria. It also indicates the limits of Russian power, contrary to what President Putin loves to boast about.
LONDON -- I recently traveled to Paris from London. It takes two and a half hours by train. We are neighbors, our histories and populations intertwined. My 10-year-old granddaughter will go there this week with her parents as a birthday treat. She loves everything she has learned about Paris. So, like other Londoners, and citizens of free societies everywhere, she was horrified by the recent atrocities there. I suppose, she said, it could have happened here.
The Delegates' Lounge though served a more useful function than the trivial that this article might initially indicate. It is a common, neutral ground where ambassadors might bump into each other, even if their capitals did not have formal diplomatic relations.
More than a week of cacophonous media and political gabble after the shocking Isis attacks on Paris make it clear that US presidential campaigns are no place to look for answers on this shocking and complex episode of new world chaos.
Given that the United States has a vested interest in the establishment of a secure and stable Afghan government and that Pakistan seems determined to use the Taliban and possibly other jihadist groups to ensure that doesn't happen, the issues that surround the Durand Line will continue to have an impact on the formulation of U.S. policy in the region as well as complicate U.S.-Pakistani relations.
The ISIS attack in Paris was an attack on our global community. We have to take decisive collective action now with the global mechanisms available to us and aggressively meet this existential challenge to our core belief systems and way of life.
In the wake of Maidan, many within the LGBT community feel betrayed by the very revolution which they helped to spearhead.
A coalition that includes Russia, Iran, and other Arab partners would blunt criticisms of another Western war in the Middle East that fuels anti-Western sentiments in the region. A global force is pragmatically and symbolically crucial
War is exactly what the Islamic State wants. War legitimizes its claim to be a state and to be treated like a state. The bombing strategy -- whether pursued by Hollande or Obama or Putin -- is also doomed to fail, even if it succeeds in its narrow objective of destroying the Islamic State.
Russia shields Al-Assad, and although claiming to bomb ISIS, Moscow's jets have targeted moderate opponents of the Al-Assad regime. Acceptance of Putin's strategy is being pressed to other members of the worldwide anti-ISIS coalition.
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad will not be able to control more than a sliver of the country, but uniting the various factions in some kind of rainbow coalition may be a pipe dream, despite efforts of those meeting in Vienna for a political solution.
Any rational person would have to agree that the world stands a better chance of effectively fighting IS together, than separately.
On Friday morning, reports began to break out that an American airstrike had managed to kill Mohammed Emwazi, known, though he shouldn't be, as Jihadi John.
The smiles of Iranian President Hassan Rowhani and his American-educated Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif appear to be fading as the hardliners take back the driver's seat. Rowhani spent all his political capital on the nuclear deal, to which the hardliners are reacting harshly.
It is absurd and Kafkaeasque that a world class abuser of the rule of law like Russia should have the ability to co-opt an intergovernmental organization to target its political opponents for arrest globally.
It would be a salutary exercise to prepare for the political struggle ahead to acknowledge the humanity of the Russians, who also have eyes, hands, senses, affections and passions, who also cry when their children don't come home safe from trips abroad.