The current impasse leaves the Saudis with two options: either fight the Houthis with local forces or assemble a foreign fighting force and go in through Aden. Both options pose big challenges.
We face an avalanche of global disasters during our lifetime, and unless we slam the brakes on carbon pollution fast, the global economy will collapse to boot.
The coordination amongst the Arab states, U.S. enablers, and local tribesmen is unprecedented in that it represents the first truly Arab-led sustained combined air-ground campaign in modern history. It has demonstrated that the arena of smart power and force projection no longer exclusively belongs to Western military powers.
The U.S. would do much better to exercise the newfound diplomatic skills it discovered in Lausanne to nip this new war in the bud, before it blossoms into yet another long, bloody conflict with hundreds of thousands of casualties.
Iran has been one of Washington's chief antagonists for nearly four decades. But a broad deal to keep Tehran from building nuclear weapons has been reached. Alas, any accord will face significant opposition. Some Americans -- including many Republican members of Congress--fear peace more than war.
The public discussion about the causes of violent extremism has focused mainly on the socioeconomic and political conditions that exist in Arab countries. But we must also carefully consider how the events in the wake of World Wars I and II have impacted the psychological disposition of the Arab population throughout the Middle East.
If the Iranian-Arab escalation continues unabated, more countries are bound to live Syria's nightmare of incalculable suffering, death and destruction.
As long as there are civilian nuclear programs in the region there is the danger of nuclear proliferation. But a comprehensive agreement that effectively and verifiably constrains Iran's nuclear programs could have a positive effect on neighboring countries
It is very bewildering, albeit horrifyingly fascinating, to watch American politicians jockey and posture for war with Iran.
The United States must be very careful how it formulates foreign policy involving not only these two countries but also the greater Middle East. This region is a powder keg and is no place for reckless, chest-thumping American politicians on the left and right to be tossing politically lit matches.
BEIRUT -- Amidst all this flexing of muscles, America is effectively disempowered by its stand-off policy, but also from its political investment in the war on ISIS, with its many contradictions and tensions.
I believe now is the time -- actually, it has been the time for decades now -- to consider new forms of leadership, not only in the Middle East, but around the world. We need to get away from the leaders who demonize the other, who use fear, threat, and actual engagement in war as tools for their own maintenance of power.
A soccer pitch in the Iranian city of Ahvaz, home to Iran's Arab minority, has emerged as a flashpoint of anti-government protest at a time of rising Arab-Iranian tensions over the status of Shiite Muslim minorities in the Arab world and the crisis in Yemen.
It's been a while now since some analysts had started referring to the Arab Spring as the Arab Winter. The latter expression implies that hopes of a major transformation in the politics and economics of the greater Middle East stand dashed.
Tehran continues to export its revolutionary zeal by supporting terrorism and radical organizations such as Hamas and Hezbollah, providing direct financial and military assistance to radical Shiite militias, and maintaining through subversive activities its strong hold on Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon.
On March 27, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said Iran is trying to dominate the region, just weeks before his visit to Tehran. He argued that Iran's expanding foothold in the Middle East is annoying Saudi Arabia and other Gulf allies.