CIA torture program architect and defender Jose Rodriguez is certain that the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence's (SSCI) torture study is full of errors. Rodriguez does not say what those errors are; he claims he cannot rebut them in detail because he has not read the report.
The minute I heard former CIA Director Michael Hayden refer to Feinstein as "emotional," I rolled my eyes. This is what men do to dismiss powerful women all over the world. Then I laughed -- because clearly for all his intelligence gathering experience, Michael Hayden sure misread Dianne Feinstein.
They are 5,250 miles apart, one in Asia, the other in Africa. But in each, huge piles of human skulls bear mute witness to the genocidal horrors of the last quarter of the 20th century when the world should already have learned better from the enormity of the Nazi Holocaust. Once the Chao Ponhea Yat High School, Pol Pot turned it into Security Prison 21 (S-21), where of the nearly 20,000 who passed through its satanic doors only a dozen survived. It was just one of scores of such hellholes where prisoners were beaten, tortured with electric shocks, burned with searing hot metal and water-boarded among other torments.
Every citizen of the United States has a right to learn from the full version of the Senate's investigation into torture. Certainly, we must see more than the executive summary and conclusions of this report, which the Senate decided Thursday to declassify.
But as dedicated and conscientious as some of the intelligence committees' members and staff are, there is a pattern of institutional failure. For much too long, the intelligence committees have been trying to do oversight in almost complete secrecy.
Don't hold your breath to read the summary anytime soon, or to access the full report: It's gonna be a wild ride.
Some of us predicted when Condi Rice left office that she would become intent on revising history. Faustian bargains don't end that quickly!
The poster for Errol Morris's documentary The Unknown Known shows two-time Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld with an unsettling grin and the headline, "Why is this man smiling?"
Engaging in counterfactual, what-if history can be uselessly speculative, but here are three demonstrable ways the Obama administration -- and America too -- have been hurt by not prosecuting Bush officials for the crimes of torture and fraudulent war.
It should be a matter of national and mass priority to pursue these things and the government that refuses to pursue them can scarcely be called a government "of the people, by the people, for the people" in any meaningful way.
This level of dangerous blowback is exactly the harm Snowden blew the whistle on! But isn't it also what Senator Obama campaigned he would change, if elected to the presidency, before further damage could occur to our Constitutional rule of law?
I didn't join the chorus ridiculing the U.S. for the hypocrisy of its new romance with international law following the Russian occupation of Crimea. But the hypocrisy charge has gotten good play.
Few have recognized that both the NSA's pattern of spying and then lying about it and the CIA's trajectory of first committing torture crimes, then spying on Congress to cover it up, then lying about the spying when caught, can be described in a single word: corruption.
March 15 was the one-year anniversary of the arrest and detention of five Palestinian boys from Hares accused of attempted murder by way of stone throwing. The Hares Boys are a symbol of oppressed youth under occupation rule.
Hiding problems never solves them. Transparency about past and present abuses is necessary to address victims' needs and prevent such acts from happening again.
With huge amounts of nickel, copper and gold, an emerging coffee industry, an extraordinarily resilient parliamentary democracy and the recent surge in the country's population, Papua New Guinea can afford to flex its muscles and assert more authority in the region.