I understand that frustration is rising over diplomatic stagnation, and I know that advocates for peace are attracted to tactics like BDS that create the impression of action. But, to date, pursuit of these tactics has promoted little more than debate and division.
At this point, the most viable solution may be, as the former head of Israel's Navy and internal security, Ami Ayalon, says, "Instead of building trust and then agreements, we make the agreements now."
King Abdullah has frequently gone out of his way to assert that "Jordan is Jordan" and "Palestine is Palestine." He has also encouraged Hamas to dispel the possibility of Jordan serving as a substitute homeland.
I have argued against the one state solution time and again; both in the version of the greater Land of Israel propagated by Israel's right, and in the version advocated by many Palestinian intellectuals and activists and some Jewish intellectuals on the far left.
While the two-state solution will not be realized immediately, there are many steps that can and should be taken to create the right underpinnings and environment for a successful peace deal once the politics is right. What is to be done during this interregnum?
Former Knesset Speaker Avrum Burg endorsed the one-state solution in an article in Haaretz in December 2011, and called the entire left to do the same. Burg has flirted with the idea in the past, but he was never so explicitly.
Although the two-state solution was far from perfect, at least it gave answers to these basic questions of governance and civic rights. But Israel's citizens and its government have decided. It will not be.
Mr. Abbas: I know that this proposal is very difficult for you to accept. I write to you on the eve of Yom Kippur, because my heart is weary and full of sorrow; because I see the two-state solution slipping away.
In the past, I have opposed the Palestinian move to unilaterally seek UN recognition of their state, but at this late hour the only way to avoid what will be an unprecedented period of uncertainty is for the United States and the European Union to lead the way.
The Palestinian state that is now emerging should be recognized as an affirmation action state, recognized by the United Nations before it has control over any territory of its own as a way to alleviate the special suffering of the Palestinian people.
Americans are left assuming that the Israelis are merely defending themselves against cruel aggressors. It never occurs to most Americans to ask why Gazans would risk their lives on military operations against Israelis.
Israelis must now rise not only against the vast socio-economic gap between the rich and poor, but against the defunct Netanyahu/Lieberman policies toward the Palestinians that, if not changed, will bring Israel to the brink of socio-economic and political disaster.
Besides shaming itself once again, the Obama administration will be closing the door forever on the solution that it and administrations before it -- and the international community -- have worked so hard to push forward.
In a June 23 column, Elliott Abrams takes to task the signatories of a letter urging President Obama to present to Israel and Palestine clear parameters to frame negotiations for a two-state peace agreement.
Considering the sweeping changes across the Middle East and the rising din of the popular voice of nonviolent resistance, the United States may be forced to confront the Israeli government with a stark choice.