The Economist recently highlighted the contrast between post-revolt Asian societies and Middle Eastern and North African societies in the woes of a pro-longed, messy and bloody transition that is pockmarked by revolt and counter-revolt, sectarianism, the redrawing of post-colonial borders, and the rise of retrograde groups as revolutionary forces.
If the United States would tone down its policy in the Middle East and the broader Islamic world, radical Islamists would not go away -- they have always been there -- but they would be far less likely to attack U.S. targets -- as the example of Lebanon indicates.
Imagine if a generation of children could be saved from deadly malnutrition. Imagine if this generation were able to go to school instead of suffering with hunger.
Even when refugees do manage to find safety, they still face a daily struggle to find food and obtain other basics of life. Children suffer the most and are at risk of deadly malnutrition.
Last month, US officials traveled to Oman and held "secret" talks with a Houthi delegation. Both sides discussed the implementation of a ceasefire and a political transition in Yemen.
There are now 12.9 million people in Yemen living in hunger-- almost half of the population. This number has risen dramatically since the outbreak of fighting between the Houthi rebels and the Saudi Arabia-backed coalition.
The military strategies of the United States and its regional allies focused on bombing campaigns, support for local militias, and inherently weak military forces to fight potential ground battles, have failed to defeat rebel forces in Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Libya.
Poverty is a pervasive concern in high fertility countries. The world has made progress in reducing severe poverty, but it's been exceedingly slow in countries where population growth rates remain high. While family planning can reduce demographic vulnerability, developing countries also require other forms of assistance.
The political capital invested by the Obama administration and the Rouhani government gives us good reasons to be not only "cautiously optimistic" but "optimistic" regarding the Iranian nuclear crisis.
The fighting in Yemen is not just destroying the fabric of that nation; it has broader implications for the region. While Iran denies direct involvement, it gives military aid to the Houthis. Meanwhile, for ordinary Yemenis, they can only hope that a miracle happens in Geneva so they can start to rebuild their shattered lives.
Washington's determination to defend much of the globe has made the U.S. an international sucker, especially vulnerable to manipulation by supposed friends.
A three-minute video, posted by a Saudi government-backed organization to YouTube on June 4, has garnered 150,000 views in 48 hours and sparked a discussion in the kingdom about how to stem sectarian conflict.
I am one of an estimated 15,000 Syrians trying to survive the conflict in Yemen. Only three thousand are registered as refugees with UNHCR. They do not live in camps, but rather are scattered in different cities, hidden among the poor and vulnerable in urban centers across Yemen.
If properly utilized, the Beautiful Game can not only be a crucial ally of some of the most pressing humanitarian crises of our time, but can actively defeat the forces of hate and fear while forging peace, respect and understanding.
Apparently incapable of resisting the temptation to meddle in the Middle East, the Obama administration remains part of Saudi Arabia's ten-member "coalition" against Houthi rebels in Yemen. Alas, the entire campaign is built on a lie.
Those who doubt the wisdom of Saudi Arabia's decision to launch a bombing campaign against Iranian proxies in March of this year are ubiquitous. Except in Saudi Arabia, that is.