Jamal Benomar, the former UN mediator in Yemen, caused a diplomatic stir when he told me recently that a dozen Yemeni parties, including the Houthis, were close to a power-sharing deal until the first Saudi bomb dropped on Yemen on March 26.
When the assorted Middle Eastern Sheiks, Kings, and Crown-Princes troop to Camp David this week for a meeting with President Obama to discuss America's rapidly warming relationship with Iran, they would do well to recall one of geopolitics eternal truisms.
Like Israel's recent wars in Gaza and Lebanon, Saudi Arabia's campaign is being widely judged a failure in a military sense. Like Israel in Gaza, Saudi Arabia pretended that warning civilians to flee an area that they intend to bomb absolves them from their obligation under international humanitarian law to avoid civilian casualties.
The founding head of Al Jazeera America has been unceremoniously demoted, and a trusted face from the older Al Jazeera English put in his stead. Yet this is not the main issue. As it happens, we all have a stake in a stronger, better, trusted Al Jazeera service.
AMMAN -- Whatever happens in Jordan and nearby Arab countries, one thing is clear: it is impossible to obliterate a movement that has popular support.
Strong gun laws are not equivalent to taking guns away from citizens. To the contrary, they consist of transparent rules and procedures designed to manage the possession, storage and carrying of firearms in order to limit access to legitimate users alone.
The choice is clear. Yemen can fight, kill and starve their people. Or they can put down the guns and negotiate a settlement. That is the only way to save their country. If they don't the inevitable result is war and famine.
The accidental killing of Warren Weinstein is nothing short of a painful, but unfortunately unavoidable, consequence of the drone wars.
Each week seems to bring new twists in Middle Eastern geopolitics, with shockwaves on the energy market and in particular oil prices. The recent reshuffle in Saudi Arabia heralds a major break with established tradition and watershed in the trends of the oil industry.
The Obama administration's decision to negotiate with Tehran triggered near hysteria among U.S. politicians and pundits who advocate perpetual war in the Middle East.
America's closest allies, Israel and the Saudis, have been expressing something close to loathing for President Obama and his policies. In fact, you could think of the Saudi rulers as the John McCains of the Arabian Peninsula.
Egypt has demonstrated that it is ready to combat terrorism by taking a very assertive stance against Islamic State and by joining the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen. What does this mean for Egypt and how does it view conflict in Yemen, Iranian influence and relations with Washington?
The regional response in March 2015, to the advance of Iranian-backed Shia Houthis on the Southern Port of Aden in Yemen exposed two very revealing components of Middle Eastern geo-politics.
Just as the Ukraine conflict galvanized Russia (and China) to lessen their vulnerability to America's military domination of global financial governance, so the Yemen "war" has somehow clarified something in respect to the Middle East. The pendulum of power can be seen to have begun its swing away from the old Gulf pole and is retracing an earlier track.
As the war on terror nears its 14th anniversary -- a war we seem to be losing, given jihadist advances in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen -- the U.S. sticks stolidly to its strategy of "high-value targeting," our preferred euphemism for assassination.
Yemen is the latest mishap where the American assisted Saudi bombardment of the Houthis (along with killing 1,000 civilians) has skidded to a sudden stop just short of the abyss. Washington policy is now stranded in no-man's-land with no way forward or back -- yet having already incurred major damage.