The major powers' disregard for Lebanese affairs has allowed regional powers influential in Lebanon to neglect Lebanon, its state, constitution, people and independence. The youth movement that started with the slogan You Stink has sought to rouse the international community from its slumber to force the ruling political class to change, and stop ignoring the constitution and ordinary people's rights, from having a president to collecting waste.
The youthful civil movement's call for international intervention is aimed at putting international pressure on regional countries influential in Lebanon to reach accords on many levels, starting with the waste and electricity issues, and not ending with the presidential election and the protection of this tiny country against being drawn into civil war, proxy wars, or spillover of battles between Hezbollah, and al-Nusra Front or ISIS from Syria. The attention thus turned immediately to the United States because it is the most able to influence the key players, Saudi Arabia and Iran, especially in this critical period.
The Saudi king is preparing to visit Washington this week, which constitutes a good opportunity to tackle the Lebanese issue. Washington, in the meantime, can now influence Tehran, since Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and Iranian President Hassan Rouhani need Congress to approve the nuclear deal, which would lift sanctions on Iran. As deliberations are set to start in Congress soon, there is an opportunity to use US influence with the Iranian player, which in turn can influence Lebanon through its ally Hezbollah to end its obstructionist policy.
The timing of the popular movement is right. However, the goals were focused only momentarily, before they scattered. The protests were also infiltrated, before the organizers regrouped, though haphazardly. This is to be expected at the start of such a movement; however it still poses a threat.
The most important achievement of the movement is that it dealt a sharp blow to the political class, which had assumed its grip would dissuade anyone from daring to protest. The other key achievement is that the movement has overcome the dichotomy between the March 8 and March 14 camps, calling for accountability for corrupt leaders on both sides.
Diverse, naturally beautiful, and inhabited by an educated and cultured people, Lebanon can be described as a breathtaking place. However, its huge religious and ethnic diversity means that, because minorities usually live in fear, its fate has been left in the hands of the leaders of these minorities in a country with no amajority.
These political leaders decided to deal with their constituents as a flock or a tribe. The leaders have discarded citizenship-based politics and resorted to mobilizing people. Thus, a type of Lebanese emerged who are sectarian, bigoted, and dependent on such leaders, against a type seeking citizenship and equality, who have now risen up in this important protest movement.
It will not suffice to call for dialogue between party leaders because the lack of confidence in them and in such dialogues has reached saturation point, as the country is being deliberately hemorrhaged. What is needed is for lawmakers to do the job they are paid to do, and elect a president. Otherwise, they are nothing more than administrators of deliberate chaos.
The political class has been caught off guard by the protest movement, which is calling for this class to be abolished beyond the issues of waste and electricity. The political class assumed that the young protesters were just venting and could be safely ignored, and that there is enough infiltration of the movement to turn it into a casual act of protest.
Some veteran politicians quickly resorted to sectarianism, a weapon that is always primed to shoot at any aspirations by a civil movement, even though it was the same weapon that tormented Lebanon in a sectarian war that continues to haunt the generations that experienced it. It is an effective weapon that often subdues even the smartest and bravest of the Lebanese.
Certainly, the majority of party leaders have primed their supporters and their minority siege mentality to take revenge and instigate sedition. The civil youth movement that crossed sectarian boundaries rallied all rival politicians together against them, for undermining them.
The You Stink street protests, disgusted by refuse and corruption, have exposed the political class and its followers, and have shed light on corruption that led to the loss of public property and services. They dared to speak in the language of citizenship and sought accountability for the rulers who have installed themselves above all and gave themselves special privileges.
These youths deserve support and counsel. They have crossed the red lines of party leaders, namely, that the "street" belongs to them to obstruct and mobilize on a sectarian basis, and intimidate those afraid of another civil war.
Mistakes are inevitable for an emerging movement that dared to ignore sectarian divisions and the division by default between March 8 and March 14. Both camps have undermined all-inclusive citizenship and institutionalized division in a populist way to serve narrow interests. In the end, both March 8 and March 14 lost support of the serious public opinion.
But avoiding mistakes is necessary. One mistake could hit a sectarian chord and trigger civil strife, or reinforce vacuum that some political forces already favor. The leaders of the movement must avoid such mistakes.
There is no need, for instance, for a sit-in in the Environment Ministry building to pressure the minister to resign. The organizers must be aware of the pitfalls and have political awareness. Otherwise, polarization will weaken the movement.
The movement should target vacuum in institutions, not empty government institutions selectively. Indeed, this could lead to chaos in the country that would be hard to rein in.
It could lead to demands for the entire government to resign, but the slogan of "the people want the downfall of the regime" that some protesters have chanted is both juvenile and suspicious. Calling for the ouster of the government is also politically naïve, because it serves the advocates of vacuum.
The game of polarization that most Lebanese television and media outlets engaged in and their attempts to infiltrate the youth movement is an insult to the young men and women and exposes these outlets' lack of credibility. This is an assault on journalism and only serves the political class. These media outlets must know that they are not above accountability either.
Linking local protests to the international arena is not arbitrary. Lebanon is already an arena for regional and international interactions. The first step to revive international interest in Lebanese developments was made by Sigrid Kaag, representative of the UN secretary general, who briefed the Security Council in a session that culminated with a collective position by the council. While this was neither a binding resolution nor a presidential statement, it remains important that the youth protests caught the attention of the council, which had previously ignored Lebanon as too small compared to the Syrian issue.
The council sent out a collective letter calling for Lebanon to quickly elect president to end constitutional instability. The council said it is closely following the situation in Lebanon in support of its unity, sovereignty and independence. The council also affirmed support for the government of Lebanon and Prime Minister Tammam Salam.
During the closed session, Sigrid Kaag warned that anger against the government could grow if no solution is found for political issues and public services. She said the main issue in Lebanon is the political deadlock and loss of public trust in the government.
Kaag called on Lebanese politicians to engage with civil society groups, saying that the current events carry positive developments, including reviving discussions on outstanding political issues and the possibility of the emergence of a secular, cross-sectarian civil society. Kaag also called for an end to presidential vacuum by electing a new president without any delay.
Sigrid Kaag's message is important for having alerted the international community to the key demands that must remain the priority of the civil movement. Kaag also helped Security Council envoys to brief their capitals and support the efforts of ambassadors to Lebanon, who are trying to raise the attention of their governments towards the situation in Beirut.
The timing is also useful on the eve of the US-Saudi summit in Washington. The summit must tackle Lebanon given the Saudi influence there, even if Saudi Arabia is preoccupied in Yemen and the Obama administration ignores the Lebanese issue for being preoccupied with the nuclear deal with Iran.
The angry anti-corruption protest movement has caught Washington's attention. The diplomatic advice being given to Obama's administration is that the Lebanese issues is bigger than Lebanon, and that the radical solutions lie in the Saudi-Iranian relationship. Obama can put this to his advantage, and help the civil movement, not through direct intervention but by testing Iranian and Saudi intentions and mediating a rapprochement between them through Lebanon.
Translated from the Arabic edition by Karim Traboulsi
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