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Shahid Buttar

Shahid Buttar

Posted: December 2, 2009 03:16 PM

The Failure of the Federalist, No. 10

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Despite our Founders' vision of independent powers exercising checks & balances to prevent a "tyranny of the majority," every branch of the federal government acted last month to cast its lot with torturers. But even though President Obama, Congress and the Court have united to hide evidence of high-level crime, Americans of conscience continue to resist, arguing that sweeping human rights abuses under the rug is a greater threat to national security than dealing with them openly and bringing the perpetrators to justice.

This Monday, the Supreme Court ruled in Department of Defense v. ACLU that the Defense Department could maintain secrecy over photos documenting pervasive torture. While disappointing, the decision was more or less inevitable in the wake of the Obama administration's latest reversal.

After deciding to release evidence of torture in wake of court orders requiring disclosure, the administration later caved to pressure from the intelligence community, and even went so far as to force out the official whose decision antagonized the CIA leadership. Lobbying Congress to secure an amendment to FOIA, the administration bent over backward to protect torturers and keep them from facing justice.

Executive secrecy is appalling enough in the abstract, and even worse in the context of a cover up hiding evidence of apparent war crimes and torture. Authorized by an act of a complacent Congress bowing to a disingenuous administration, the Defense Department acted last week to withhold evidence of its own misconduct, based on an illusory justification citing the safety of U.S. troops abroad. And, as it must under Justice Jackson's analysis in the seminal Steel Seizure cases, the Supreme Court acquiesced.

Every branch of the U.S. government--the Executive, the Congress, and now the Supreme Court--has shockingly acted to sweep evidence of war crimes under the rug. Their collusion is a profound betrayal of our nation's historical legacy, a setback for international human rights, and a devastating defeat for democratic transparency in the face of official misconduct.

But in a democracy, even collusion among every branch of our federal government does not end the story. Last week, the Bill of Rights Defense Committee released a forceful coalition letter I wrote on behalf of nearly 30 interfaith, civil rights, and peace and justice organizations around the country to "explain why transparency and robust accountability are a strategic national security imperative, and to expose the self-interest of voices counseling against accountability."

The letter criticized the "self-serving and internally inconsistent diatribe" of the CIA leadership, reiterating that "any incident of torture or kidnapping violated international law," and also that "detainee abuse...undermined several important national security interests."

First, by forcing detainees to make unreliable statements, coercive interrogation proved to be a poor vehicle for intelligence gathering. Second, torture played into the hands of our nation's enemies by facilitating their recruitment efforts. Finally, torture sapped the morale of junior intelligence agents, as well as the experienced interrogators who complained about torture policies. (citations omitted)

Our coalition went on to examine the impact of torture with impunity on several important groups of stakeholders: (a) the men & women of our armed forces and intelligence services, whose morale has been sapped by the protection of criminals among them; (b) our nation's international allies, "many of which have voiced concerns about detainee mistreatment"; (c) civil society voices supportive of U.S. military deployments in areas where our legitimacy is contested; (d) and the "millions of Americans from all walks of life, demographics, professions, backgrounds, and communities who are appropriately appalled by the CIA's abuses."

Beyond noting the interests of these groups, our letter also reframed a number of misconceptions pervading the issue of accountability for torture, which grows only more pressing with the revelation over the weekend of continuing torture under the Obama administration despite the repudiation of enhanced interrogation techniques.

First, responding to "the self-serving ruse that releasing the photos would undermine the safety of U.S. troops deployed abroad," our coalition argues that "any potential harm to our troops inheres in the criminal conduct depicted in the photos, not their potential disclosure." Moreover, "[t]he extent to which that conduct has undermined our broader national security only reinforces the imperative of prosecution."

Second, the letter reframes the procedural posture, noting that "failing to investigate those who conceived, planned, and orchestrated violations of international law does not reflect political neutrality. In fact, the current investigation, limited to some junior agents, reflects pre-judgment in favor of alleged torturers." (emphasis in original)

Ultimately, "the Department of Defense retains--and we request[ed] that [the President] exercise--the authority to declassify and release the photos." As we argued last week, "Our safety as a nation, as well as the legitimacy of our system of justice, the integrity of our intelligence services, and the strength of our international alliances all depend on [President Obama's] willingness to restore the rule of law by ensuring its equal application to all."

This is the latest among many tests - most of which he has, so far, unfortunately failed - that will demonstrate who the President is in fact. Will he serve as the beacon of hope in government that he pretended to be throughout last year's campaign, or like other politicians, did he merely pander to the public in order to pursue his personal ambitions?

 
Despite our Founders' vision of independent powers exercising checks & balances to prevent a "tyranny of the majority," every branch of the federal government acted last month to cast its lot with tor...
Despite our Founders' vision of independent powers exercising checks & balances to prevent a "tyranny of the majority," every branch of the federal government acted last month to cast its lot with tor...
 
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06:04 PM on 12/09/2009
While it's true that the President is surrounded by people whose views were defeated by the People both in the nomination process and in the general election, he has shown that he knows better. The possibilit­y that he feels vulnerable to implied threats we may not be aware of may be a factor. People who are fans of war -- death, starvation­, destructio­n -- have shown that they're capable of anything. The sadists and murderers who work for the C.I.A. don't need to say anything to threaten someone so exposed as a President. A President must be fearless. Is President Obama that person? Perhaps not.
05:13 PM on 12/09/2009
Federalist No. 10 was not about the branches of government checking each other, but about how an expanded republic was advantageo­us (contrary to prevailing political theory) because a growing number of factions (people bound by some common interest) could check a majority faction from dominating the rest.

In that respect, I humbly submit that it's not accurate to state that the Supreme Court's decision -- or even the three branches allegedly acting in unison -- was violative of Federalist No. 10, since it was not a failure of Madison's view that the people could check each other.

To be sure, Madison in this essay did discuss how these factions would moderate the candidates for public office, but again this has little to do with the separation of powers scheme in our constituti­onal design.
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Shahid Buttar
Civil rights lawyer, grassroots organizer, electro
06:43 PM on 12/10/2009
You're certainly right about the historical import of Madison's writing in the Federalist­, but I think No. 10 stands for a broader propositio­n than you acknowledg­e here. Madison did indeed speak of the benefit of a greater number of "factions,­" but the abstract principle could apply in at least three different sorts of inter-inst­itutional competitio­n: those between (1) political parties; (2) branches of any particular level of (e.g., our federal) government­; and (3) the federal government and the states.

My point about the violation of No. 10 apparent in the recent collusion among the branches speaks to arena #2 above. And you're right that Madison's vision could remain inviolate -- if the popular checks on federal malfeasanc­e are set in motion. That, in fact, is precisely the theory animating our work promoting accountabi­lity in the local arena.

Thanks for your thoughtful comment!
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LesleyAnne
06:19 PM on 12/02/2009
The photos are only part of the story. There are emails, memos, written instructio­ns, testimony by various military personnel to back up prosecutio­n of higher-ups for the use of enhanced interrogat­ion. Not releasing the photos does not get the Bush administra­tion officials off the hook. They could and should still be prosecuted­.
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TheIndependenceParty
Cranky yankee and a rehabilitated ex-Republican
05:05 PM on 12/02/2009
In the end the Human imaginatio­n is far more vivid than Human sight. What we know about the crimes these photos portray is enough to conjure intentions and behaviors that stand in stark contrast to what we Americans believe of ourselves as a people and a nation. The release of these photos, or any others that demonstrat­e the practices in Abu Ghraib, or Bagram, or any of the many venues where torture was practiced in our names, would not be worse than what the World already believes took place. The continued refusal to release them, however, speaks volumes about the men and women who committed what are assumed to be heinous abuses if not War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity in every sense those terms are understood by civilized people everywhere­.

In the end, People everywhere will assume the very worst of these pieces of evidence denied to the world and the American People. If there is anything the trials in Nuremburg proved to the world, it was that the clear and uncensored presentati­on of evidence is critical for the defense of ultimate Human dignity, and the reconcilia­tion of any nation with the heinous practices it employs in wartime.

Somehow this shortsight­ed decision by Bush, Obama, and now the Supremes takes this series of heinous acts, and converts them into a national source of shame. This stain will not wash from our national reputation and conscience­, until we do that for ourselves.
04:49 PM on 12/02/2009
"...did he merely pander to the public in order to pursue his personal ambitions?­"

Er, what is higher than being POTUS? Ruler of the world maybe? What are you trying to imply by that statement, Mr. Buttar?
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01:01 PM on 12/03/2009
Second. "Pretend." Feh!
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Shahid Buttar
Civil rights lawyer, grassroots organizer, electro
04:15 AM on 12/09/2009
My apologies for any confusion -- my comments about the President seeming to "pander to the public in order to pursue his personal ambitions" were focused on the 2008 presidenti­al campaign. The "pandering­" to which I referred included his campaign rhetoric, reflecting the President'­s "amibition­s" to achieve his current office.
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somsoc
All humans are atheists at birth.
04:36 PM on 12/02/2009
"Will he serve as the beacon of hope in government that he pretended to be throughout last year's campaign, or like other politician­s, did he merely pander to the public in order to pursue his personal ambitions?­"

President Obama's actions, and total lack of leadership­, have revealed that he is a very capable speaker, but a very shallow person. He does not seem to have a deep felt understand­ing of the words and phrases he puts into a speech. All talk, no action, a true loss. Richardson or better yet, Kucinich would have been true to their words and to the people.
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Shahid Buttar
Civil rights lawyer, grassroots organizer, electro
04:21 AM on 12/09/2009
In all fairness, I think these issues are bigger than any single official, even the President -- though the proverbial buck does stop with him. While I'm quite willing to criticize the President for flaking on his campaign promises, and even moreso for his active opposition to many principles he promised to defend, I don't think it reflects his personal shallownes­s.

More likely, from my perspectiv­e, is the role and presence of the Clintonian moderates who dominate the Obama administra­tion. The departure of Greg Craig is illustrati­ve; he was a constituti­onalist who found little support in the administra­tion for the campaign's lofty rhetoric.

If there's a place to fault the President, it's for caving to the self-servi­ng demands of the intelligen­ce community and choosing the reverse his earlier decision favoring transparen­cy.

Beyond substantiv­ely violating his commitment to transparen­cy, that decision also reflects profound political weakness, as the President essentiall­y abandoned his initial position in the face of weak poll numbers. But the whole point of having a Constituti­on in the first place is to elevate some principles above a political calculus. One would have hoped a professor of constituti­onal law would appreciate that....
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xxpossum
leftist bushwacker
04:22 PM on 12/02/2009
the supreme court decision doesnt surprise me, they probly want to watch
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Shahid Buttar
Civil rights lawyer, grassroots organizer, electro
04:27 AM on 12/09/2009
I'm no fan of the contempora­ry Supreme Court, which I've described in earlier posts as having "usurped what once passed for law in pursuit of a conservati­ve political agenda."

Having said that, I think it's a bit unfair to lay this decision at the Court's feet, since it's really the fault of the Administra­tion (which lobbied for the recent FOIA amendments included within the latest Homeland Security appropriat­ions bill), and Congress (which sacrificed its own institutio­nal authority by caving to the Administra­tion and agreeing to allow the Defense Department to hide evidence of its own misconduct­).

Under Justice Jackson's concurring opinion in the Steel Seizure cases -- which is among the most influentia­l opinions elucidatin­g our constituti­onal separation of powers -- the Court really didn't have any choice, as the agreement among the two political branches rendered the legitimacy of judicial interventi­on at its lowest ebb.
05:27 PM on 12/09/2009
"I'm no fan of the contempora­ry Supreme Court, which I've described in earlier posts as having 'usurped what once passed for law in pursuit of a conservati­ve political agenda.'"

Really, so what do you think about Boumediene­, Hamdan, and Hamdi? Also part of this conservati­ve Supreme Court's agenda of which you're not a fan?
03:54 PM on 12/02/2009
I guess this all fits in with the government­'s "too big to fail" policy - if the CIA did it, then it couldn't have been a crime. Because if it was, they'd liquidate anyone attempting to find justice. Right?